The path of US inequality rests on political progress

Significance Burgeoning international trade and skill-biased technological change has raised the fortunes of university graduates while lowering the prospects of those with less education. President Joe Biden's administration is seeking to address many of the areas that have been identified as underlying sources of inequality. Impacts Vicious cycles of poor health, education and declining personal finances have created a group of society with reactionary political views. Populist politicians benefited from a generation of lost economic prospects, but state intervention and redistribution are winning support. Rising numbers of very rich people backed policies to raise their own wealth, and the wealthy continue to influence the political process.

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 782-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amira Sghari

Purpose Employee recognition is presented in the literature as a mean to achieve change according to a schedule already established by the management of the enterprise (planning process). Such an approach overlooks the fact that organizational change can be explained by other processes such as the political process, the interpretive process, the incremental process and the complex process. Each of these processes offers specific characteristics of change. Through this research, the author tries to answer the following question, while driving an organizational change project does employee recognition favour a change according to the planned process? The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach To answer the research question, a qualitative research case study is conducted within Basic Bank, a banking leader institution on the Tunisian market. The author analysed a proposed change induced by the implementation of a Global Banking System. Findings The results show that monetary recognition helps develop employee motivation to change, thus, ensuring a planned change. However, its variability has encouraged the emergence of conflicts between the actors resulting in an increase of change according to the political process. Originality/value Found results enrich the previous work on the role of the staff recognition in the change process. Its originality lies in the study of the relationship between employee recognition and explanatory process of change in a dynamic perspective which enables having an overall view on the evolution of this relationship throughout the implementation of the change.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Бударина ◽  
Kseniya Budarina

The article examines the media´s ability to influence the process of forming political and civic culture of Russian youth. The author revealed the essence of the institute of the media and identified the main functional characteristics of the subject of the political process. The transformation of political values of the Russian youth is substantiated, as well as the instability of its political views in terms of mediatization and development of social media is considered. The priority of media activities is specified that affects the formation of political knowledge and attitudes of young people.


Significance The military leadership has seized control of the political process, but has shown little interest in assuming formal power, often demonstrating sympathies with protesters while preserving the constitutional order. Impacts The prime minister and interim president may be pushed to quit as a concession. Elections planned for July 4 may be postponed if unrest grows. The economy may suffer as tourism will decline and foreign investors will hesitate to become involved in an uncertain energy sector.


Significance A range of parties, old and new, are battling for the attention of two broad electoral constituencies, one inclined towards Europe, and the other looking east to Russia. Moscow has a clear interest in its Socialist allies winning, but that outcome is uncertain. Impacts Perceptions that the political process (regardless of victors) is controlled by oligarchs will dampen investor interest. The EU is already concerned about some of its notional allies in government but would prefer a pro-Western to a pro-Moscow government. The longer-term drift, economic and ultimately political, is towards the EU.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.


Significance According to these results, Jovenel Moise of the Haitian Party of Bald Heads (PHTK) won a first-round victory with 55.67% of the vote, defeating Jude Celestin of Alternative League for Haitian Progress and Empowerment (Lapeh), who gained just 19.52%. The elections were a rerun of those originally held on October 25, 2015, in which Moise won 32.8% of the vote to Celestin’s 25.2%. Impacts Protests are likely in the run-up to the result’s confirmation, as voters express their dissatisfaction with the political process. The restoration of democratic process should unlock more international aid, some of which was suspended during the political impasse. Security issues will remain a key challenge, exacerbated by the economic damage caused by Hurricane Matthew.


Significance This is the latest in a series of deadly terrorist attacks attributed to al-Shabaab since late July hitting high-profile targets in Mogadishu. The militant group is succeeding in carrying out these strikes as the country prepares for a political transition. Impacts The United States and other Western backers of the Somali government will step up security support to safeguard the elections. Al-Shabaab will accelerate complex attacks into November aimed at soft targets. The attacks will fail to disrupt upcoming indirect elections but could undermine confidence in security and the political process.


Significance Abbas’s unwavering commitment to a moribund peace process that only deepened Israel’s hold on the occupied Palestinian territories has left him bereft of popular legitimacy. A chain-smoking octogenarian, he has suffered several recent health scares, heating up competition among those looking to succeed him. Impacts The political process with Israel will stay frozen, regardless of a reportedly imminent US peace proposal, which is seen as dead on arrival. Potential leadership candidates will be under pressure to sound hawkish on security cooperation with Israel. Some contenders will begin to reach out to regional powers, notably Saudi Arabia and Egypt, who will provide low-key support.


1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 388-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Harrop

In a recent article, Patrick Dunleavy argues powerfully for an independent effect of ‘consumption locations’ on the political process in general, and voting patterns in particular, in Britain (‘The Urban Basis of Political Alignment: Social Class, Domestic Property Ownership and State Intervention in Consumption Processes’, this Journal, IX (1979), 409–44). Through an analysis of the housing and transport markets, Dunleavy suggests that people involved in ‘collective’ modes of consumption (such as council tenants and public transport users) are as a result of their own distinctive interests more likely to incline to the left than people involved in more ‘individual’ modes of consumption (such as home-owners and car-owners). Dunleavy suggests further that since consumption locations are at least partially independent of occupational class, the spread of home-ownership and car-ownership in the post-war period may help to account for the declining electoral influence of occupational class.


2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA C. MUTZ

How do Americans acquire the impression that their political foes have some understandable basis for their views, and thus represent a legitimate opposition? How do they come to believe that reasonable people may disagree on any given political controversy? Given that few people talk regularly to those of opposing perspectives, some theorize that mass media, and television in particular, serve as an important source of exposure to the rationales for oppositional views. A series of experimental studies suggests that television does, indeed, have the capacity to encourage greater awareness of oppositional perspectives. However, common characteristics of televised political discourse—incivility and close-up camera perspectives—cause audiences to view oppositional perspectives as less legitimate than they would have otherwise. I discuss the broader implications of these findings for assessments of the impact of television on the political process, and for the perspective that televised political discourse provides on oppositional political views.


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