National minorities and the government of divided societies: A comparative analysis of some European evidence

1990 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 437-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN COAKLEY
2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Craig

Abstract The precise form of internalization of the provisions of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in domestic law is crucial in ensuring its long-term effectiveness. Experiences in the Western Balkans raise important questions about the role of minority (or community) rights legislation in deeply divided societies. This article uses the case-studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and the Republic of North Macedonia to highlight key themes and limitations that have emerged. Comparative analysis reveals a surprising divergence of approaches to internalization in the region. The article further demonstrates that the ‘nation-cum-state paradigm’ remains prevalent, despite the premise of universality. It argues that such legislation can play an important symbolic and practical role, but that legal internalization needs to be seen as an ongoing process. It concludes that attention needs to be given to ensuring the continued particularization and adaptation of such legislation in light of both the limitations and changing circumstances, providing a key lesson also for other divided societies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 75-79
Author(s):  
R. M. Gambarova

Relevance. Grain is the key to strategic products to ensure food security. From this point of view, the creation of large grain farms is a matter for the country's selfsufficiency and it leading to a decrease in financial expense for import. Creation of such farms creates an abundance of productivity from the area and leads to obtaining increased reproductive seeds. The main policy of the government is to minimize dependency from import, create abundance of food and create favorable conditions for export potential.The purpose of the study: the development of grain production in order to ensure food security of the country and strengthen government support for this industry.Methods: comparative analysis, systems approach.Results. As shown in the research, if we pay attention to the activities of private entrepreneurship in the country, we can see result of the implementation of agrarian reforms after which various types of farms have been created in republic.The role of privateentrepreneurshipinthedevelopmentofproduction is great. Тhe article outlines the sowing area, production, productivity, import, export of grain and the level of selfsufficiency in this country from 2015 till 2017.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł Fiktus

At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.


Author(s):  
V.A. Lebedev ◽  
E.I. Lebedeva

The changes in the procedure for providing paid educational services by budget educational institutions, approved by the decree of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 1441 of September 15, 2020 for the period up to December 31, 2026, which entered into force on January 1, 2021, are considered. A comparative analysis of the previously valid and newly approved rules for the provision of paid educational services, which should be guided by medical educational institutions in the next five years, is carried out. The article analyzes the procedure for obtaining targeted education, its implementation in medical educational institutions, and the features of further employment of graduates.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kostandin Nasto ◽  
Junada Sulillari

The aim of this study is to realize an analysis of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in Albania. Our focus will mainly be the PPPs in the energy sector. Public-private partnerships contracts have experienced a significant increase in the last decades in Albania. They have had a great impact on public finances of the country, this is why they have often been “attacked” for the negative impact that they might have on the actual and especially the future of the country. We will work to make a comparative analysis of the cost and benefits that Albania has had from signing these contracts. We will also work to analyze the management of these public-private partnerships during the pandemics, which will be helpful to reveal the possible difficulties that the government might have in managing them. Something that has inspired us to make a deeper analysis of them is related to the energy crises that the country has experienced in the last years. We want to “dig” deeper in order to see if these PPPs are really worth it or not. Is it worth or it brings a burden for the actual and future generations of Albania?


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
B. G. KHAIROV ◽  
◽  
P. S. ZOTINA ◽  

The article is devoted to the study of the potential of promoting Russian high-tech, innovative and other products to foreign markets. The article focuses on such an instrument of promotion as international business events. The statistical data of the event industry revealing possibilities of further development of domestic products promotion abroad are investigated in detail. The work uses methods of statistical analysis, comparative analysis, generalization, graphical interpretation of information. The article was prepared based on the results of studies carried out at the expense of budget allocations as part of the state task of the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (9) ◽  
pp. 1271-1298
Author(s):  
Olga Zelinska

This article employs a contentious politics framework to examine the mobilization–repression nexus as it occurred in Ukraine from the 1990 Revolution on Granite, through the 2000-2001 Ukraine without Kuchma campaign and the 2004 Orange Revolution, to the 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement. Comparative analysis of these four cases suggests that developments in both the contentious and repressive repertoires resembled spirals: each campaign became more complex and of longer duration than the last, and each was driven by the repeated protester–government interactions and by the political, economic, and technological environment that changed over time. In the transit from autocracy to democracy, Ukrainian activists adopted and “normalized” political protest much more quickly than did the authorities. The activists creatively innovated as they borrowed from earlier dissent traditions and from other social movements abroad. For the government, the process of learning how to manage contention with means other than their usual repression tactics was much longer, and it is not over. As it slowly transits from Soviet past to democracy, Ukraine continues its development into a “social movement society.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 353-371
Author(s):  
Kiryl Kascian ◽  
Hanna Vasilevich

As a result of the Czech government decision of 3 July 2013, the Government Council for National Minorities was expanded to the representatives of Belarusian and Vietnamese minorities. This article discusses the aspects of the Czech minority-related legislation within the context of this decision. The article also focuses on the formation of these two minorities during history and on their current position in the Czech society.


1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Percy C. Hintzen ◽  
Ralph R. Premdas

Many communally divided postcolonial states rely almost exclusively upon an effective machinery of control to ensure political order. This has stemmed from two factors: (1) unrestrained communal competition for votes; and (2) inheritance of a highly centralized state apparatus. The first condition has tended to politicize sectional cleavages, exacerbating distrust (Premdas, 1972: 19-20). Without a body of shared values in the state, protection of a communal group's interest is perceived to reside on the capture of the government. The second condition under such circumstances facilitates “effective domination of one group over another” (Smooha, 1980: 257). Apart from a consociational arrangement, democracy in deeply divided societies is elusive, rendering authoritarian control seemingly necessary to prevent protracted communal conflict and political disintegration (Lijphart, 1969: 207; Milne, 1975: 413; Norlinger, 1972). As a legitimator of domination, stability is a controversial value, especially in the face of cynical and brutal abuses of human rights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tove H. Malloy ◽  
Sonja Wolf

Language equality is not public policy in Denmark or Germany, and neither country has adopted an official state language constitutionally. Both countries protect minority languages through regional and local statutes on culture and education and have signed relevant international standards on linguistic rights for minorities and protection of regional or minority languages. Neither system is very transparent, nor comprehensive. This has created consternation and dissatisfaction among the national minorities residing in the Danish-German border region resulting in recent tensions in the municipalities in Southern Denmark, whereas the government of Schleswig-Holstein decided in 2015 to address the issue with policy reforms for public administration. This article focuses on linguistic minority rights in the Danish-German border region with specific attention to minority languages in public administration and specifically to the on-going reforms in Schleswig-Holstein.


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