Letter from Greece—mid‐December 1988

1989 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Clive
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Late Summer ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Serious Illness ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government

THE SERIOUS ILLNESS DURING THE LATE SUMMER OF THE PRIME Minister, Andreas Papandreou, who is rising seventy, brought Greece to the start of an unusually long pre-electoral period which, if the government holds to its word, will end on 18 June 1989. Meanwhile, the affairs of state were being overshadowed by affairs of the heart, as detailed press coverage of his progress at Harefield showed him walking hand-in-hand with Dimitra Liani, a buxom former Olympic Airways hostess half his age, who had flown with him to London and with whom he has had a far from discreet liaison for the past year.

scholarly journals Surveillance at the Roots of Everyday Interactions: Japan’s Conspiracy Bill and its Totalitarian Effects

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 477-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Midori Ogasawara
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
State Power ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Past ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
The Government

Japan’s ultra-right wing government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe since 2012, has been enforcing a number of controversial laws, such as the Secrecy Act and Security Act, which have enhanced surveillance and militarism. Without changing the Constitution, these laws allow the government to undermine the constitutional rights for individuals. The Conspiracy Law, Abe’s next attempt, focuses on placing people’s everyday communications under scrutiny. Against the modern principal of criminal justice, this law criminalizes the communications regarding crimes, without any criminal actions. Due to its extensively invasive character, the bill has been cancelled three times in the Diet in the past decade, but Abe insists that it is necessary for a successful running of 2020 Olympic in Tokyo as an anti-terror measure. While the Olympic gives the authoritarian government the best opportunity to incite nationalism and stabilize the rule, as the Nazi performed in 1936, surveillance comes forth to eliminate both public and private communications that question, criticize or counter the legitimacy of state power.

The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
International Community ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Minor

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.

Craxi’s Italy

1985 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Guizzi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Decline ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
The Government

IT IS NOT EASY TO EXPLAIN THE REASONS THAT LED TO THE appointment of Bettino Craxi as Prime Minister. First of all, there was certainly the political fatigue of the Christian Democratic Party which had held the premiership for 35 years. AIdo Moro, a great man and leader, had tried to mediate between the various currents within the party, as well as between the party and other allied parties (the Republicans, the Social Democrats, the Socialists). But what Moro really dreamt of was a possible alliance with the Communist Party to solve at least the most serious issues, such as terrorism and economic decline. He thought of repeating with the Communists the experience the DC had had in the early 1960s with the Socialists: widening the democratic area with the view of transforming the PCI into a social democratic trend. In order to obtain this he even considered letting the PCI take part in the majority at least if not in the government itself. His disappearance had serious repercussions, especially in the Christian Democratic Party where internal friction grew even stronger than in the past. This resulted in a great drop in the party's power and ability to manage the country politically even if, at least in part, it regained in the 1979 and 1983 elections the votes lost in the 1976 elections.

scholarly journals A Study on Disharmony/Conflicts in the Executive Branch of the Government

1995 ◽  
Vol 10 (0) ◽  
pp. 201-231
Author(s):  
Kyo-Sun Hwang
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Power Structure ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Political ◽  
Korean Government ◽  
The Past ◽  
Look Back ◽  
The Government ◽  
Responsibility System

The form of the Korean government has been a presidential responsibility system with certain aspects of the parliamentary cabinet system in terms of power structure. The position of the Prime Minister came as a result of a compromise between the presidential responsibility system and the parliamentary cabinet system. Despite the existence of the prime Ministership, more emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system than the parliamentary cabinet system. The emphasis has been placed on the presidential responsibility system on the ground that it would contribute toward the political stability of the country. To look back at the past of the evolution of the Korean Constitution, it is easily found that a fundamental mistake was committed when the Constitution and the Administration Organization Law were made.

The Dilemmas of Democracy in Greece

1990 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel Clive
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Late Summer ◽  
Charismatic Leadership ◽  
Bank Account ◽  
The Past ◽  
Bank Deposits ◽  
Deputy Prime Minister ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Of Greece

Pasok's Eight Year-Old Socialist Administration, The first in Greek history, which followed its successive victories in 1981 and 1985, was due to undergo its third electoral test in mid-1989. In fact, the electoral campaign had started in the late summer of 1988 and was well under way at the beginning of the new year. Andreas Papandreou's charismatic leadership of PASOK, which in the past had been the principal explanation of his firm control of events, was already starting to fade, as he struggled to put a brave face on the resignations of respected ministers and party members in the wake of revelations of several scandals at the top of the pyramid. Foremost among these was the celebrated case of George Koskotas, the young owner of the Bank of Crete, who was in gaol in America after his escape from Greece, to avoid charges of embezzling more than £130 million in bank deposits. In mid-March, Time magazine's cover story showing Koskotas behind bars was entitled: ‘The Looting of Greece: a fallen tycoon charges Papandreou with stealing millions’. This caused the resignation of Agamemnon Koutsoyorgas, Papandreou's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Justice, when Koskotas claimed he had credited him with $2 million in a Swiss bank account. He also stated that Papandreou had authorized this payment and had himself been on the payroll.

scholarly journals Indian-Pakistani Border: Historical Development and Contemporary Principles of Reconciling Contradictions

2021 ◽  
pp. 140-150
Author(s):  
V. Shved
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Indian Government ◽  
Jammu And Kashmir ◽  
The Past ◽  
Colonial Empire ◽  
The Status ◽  
Border Conflicts ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government

The article is devoted to the study of the issue of the historical foundations of the existing border conflicts between India and Pakistan and the latest efforts of these two states and the international community in relation of resolving them. The roots of the existing Indian-Pakistani border conflicts go back to the time when India was a part of British colonial empire. To a decisive extent, such conflicts were a consequence of the British authority’s policy, which, in an effort to weaken the liberation movement in India, incited enmity between the largest ethno-religious groups of the population – Hindus and Muslims. This policy eventually led to the formation of two separate neighboring states – India and Pakistan, and these countries inherited numerous border conflicts. The largest among them is Kashmir, due to the gap of this territory between India and Pakistan. For several decades, the state of Jammu and Kashmir, according to Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, had a special status and broad autonomy.However, the Indian government, headed by N. Modi, eliminated this special status by removing this article from the country’s constitution in August 2019. Over the past year, under the influence of serious geopolitical changes in the Indo-Pacific region and South Asia, the government of N. Modi initiated a return to the consideration of the status of the former state of Jammu and Kashmir, and also seeks to develop an updated format for his stay in India. On June 25, 2021 the prime minister of India held an important meeting with a group of prominent politicians from Kashmir, which was the first public event by the Indian government after the liquidation of the Kashmir autonomy. During the meeting, a number of issues were discussed about the preparation for the future elections in the region. N. Modi described the meeting as “an important step towards increasing efforts in the development and progress of the territory of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Documents and Source Material

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The West ◽  
White House ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Annotated List ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
The Government ◽  
Source Materials

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.

Learning Zulu

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Language Learning ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
South African ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
African History ◽  
African Culture ◽  
The Past ◽  
Correct Form ◽  
Linguistic Purism

When this book's author began studying Zulu, he was often questioned why he was learning it. This book places the author's endeavors within a wider context to uncover how, in the past 150 years of South African history, Zulu became a battleground for issues of property, possession, and deprivation. The book combines elements of analysis and memoir to explore a complex cultural history. Perceiving that colonial learners of Zulu saw themselves as repairing harm done to Africans by Europeans, the book reveals deeper motives at work in the development of Zulu-language learning—from the emergence of the pidgin Fanagalo among missionaries and traders in the nineteenth century to widespread efforts, in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, to teach a correct form of Zulu. The book looks at the white appropriation of Zulu language, music, and dance in South African culture, and at the association of Zulu with a martial masculinity. In exploring how Zulu has come to represent what is most properly and powerfully African, the book examines differences in English- and Zulu-language press coverage of an important trial, as well as the role of linguistic purism in xenophobic violence in South Africa. Through one person's efforts to learn the Zulu language, the book explores how a language's history and politics influence all individuals in a multilingual society.

E-Projects Challenges in India – Role of Human Resource Management and Technology

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Successful Implementation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Services ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Traditional Approaches

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.

Why do the national financial and monetary policies not boost the economy?

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 1496-1521
Author(s):  
N.I. Kulikov ◽  
M.A. Kulikova ◽  
A.A.S.R. Mobio
Keyword(s):  
Central Bank ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Gdp Growth ◽  
Government Contracts ◽  
Monetary Policies ◽  
The Past ◽  
Russian Economy ◽  
Yearly Average ◽  
Analysis And Synthesis ◽  
The Government

Subject. This article assesses the reasons why the economic policy of the Government and Central Bank of Russia does not cause the economic advance. The article tries to find out why the two strategic programmes adopted over the past ten years have not been implemented in most indicators. Objectives. The article aims to analyze the results of financial and monetary policies in Russia over the past ten years, and establish why the Russian economy has been growing within one percent yearly average all these years, and its share in the world economy has not grown, but got reduced even. Methods. For the study, we used the methods of analysis and synthesis. Results. The article proposes certain measures and activities to move to soft financial and monetary policies of the State and corresponding changes in the structure of the Russian economy. This will help ensure six to seven percent GDP growth annually. Conclusions. High loan rates have become the main obstacle to GDP growth in Russia. It is necessary to accept concrete actions and decisions concerning the Bank of Russia key rate, expansion of the functions of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, industrial policy, support of consumer demand, long-term government contracts for the real sector enterprises, etc.

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