scholarly journals The Economic World of the populus Romanus

Author(s):  
Amy Russell

Abstract Rome’s transformation from city-state to territorial empire involved a massive increase in wealth; it also both created and responded to fundamental political changes, in a moment often positioned as the creation myth of republicanism. James Tan has modelled the Republican economy as a three-way relationship between aristocrats, the state, and the people. Aristocrats competed with the state for access to the riches of conquest; simultaneously the state’s dependence on citizen taxation declined. This article examines the relationship between state and people as both practical and ideological. The People were sovereign, yet it was the People who increasingly lost their status as economic and political stakeholders even as their empire grew. The complex relationship between the people and the populus (‘the People’ as an institution) had economic as well as political elements, and is central to how we should apply notions of economic sovereignty to Republican Rome.

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 535-537
Author(s):  
Laura Stephenson

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?, Joseph Romance and Neil Reimer, eds., Westport CN: Praeger, 2005, 166, pp. xiv.This volume is the product of a question, asked by Neal Reimer, about the relationship between democracy and excellence. Reimer provides background for this relationship in the first chapter, noting that it can be framed as government by the people versus standards of the good, true and beautiful. Conflict can arise between the two ideas because democracy prioritizes equality of citizens—but excellence depends upon the recognition of differentiating merit. While democracy provides citizens freedom from a limiting class structure, the lack of structure can make citizens indifferent to pursuing a noble vision of the state. Reimer argues, however, that there is a fundamental harmony between democracy and excellence and that examples of excellence in democratic societies (such as the United States) are many. It is possible and likely that democratic societies will attain excellence in practice.


1995 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Carr

The creation of a class of strong native entrepreneurs has long been an aim of Irish industrial policy. Social science discussion of strategies stimulating Irish enterprise have tended to emanate from two broad theoretical viewpoints, modernisation theory and dependency theory,f which hold opposing views on the role the Stale can play in the promotion of business and enterprise. Considerations of the relationship between the State and an indigenous class of entrepreneurs have tended to centre on notions of ‘modernising’ and the ‘modernisation’ of society. This article shifts the focus away from a concentration on modernising to a consideration of the nature of modernity. The tendency to equate modernisation and modernity is liable to conceal or misrepresent the activities of certain economic actors, in particular State personnel. Using elements of the institutional analysis of modernity developed by Giddens (1991), the article examines the ‘selectivity function’ of Irish State personnel and their relationship with potential Irish entrepreneurs. This selectivity function can be construed as an attempt to establish an expert system to enable State personnel to assert some control over the enterprise culture juggernaut.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez

This prologue provides an overview of the history of early and medieval West Africa. During this period, the rise of Islam, the relationship of women to political power, the growth and influence of the domestically enslaved, and the invention and evolution of empire were all unfolding. In contrast to notions of an early Africa timeless and unchanging in its social and cultural categories and conventions, here was a western Savannah and Sahel that from the third/ninth through the tenth/sixteenth centuries witnessed political innovation as well as the evolution of such mutually constitutive categories as race, slavery, ethnicity, caste, and gendered notions of power. By the period's end, these categories assume significations not unlike their more contemporary connotations. All of these transformations were engaged with the apparatus of the state and its progression from the city-state to the empire. The transition consistently featured minimalist notions of governance replicated by successive dynasties, providing a continuity of structure as a mechanism of legitimization. Replication had its limits, however, and would ultimately prove inadequate in addressing unforeseen challenges.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (12) ◽  
pp. 1630016
Author(s):  
Yu Shi ◽  
David Waxman

This document is based on five conversations between Prof. C. N. Yang and others in Beijing in 1986. In the conversations, Yang gave his views on the state and development of physics at that time, and the relationship between physics and philosophy. The conversations also contain Yang’s reminiscences on the creation of Yang–Mills theory and his advice to young people, especially those in China.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (supplement) ◽  
pp. 77-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Bogue

When is the future? Is it to come or is it already here? This question serves as the frame for three further questions: why is utopia a bad concept and in what way is fabulation its superior counterpart? If the object of fabulation is the creation of a people to come, how do we get from the present to the future? And what is a people to come? The answers are (1) that the future is both now and to come, now as the becoming-revolutionary of our present and to come as the goal of our becoming; (2) utopia is a bad concept because it posits a pre-formed blueprint of the future, whereas a genuinely creative future has no predetermined shape and fabulation is the means whereby a creative future may be generated; (3) the movement from the revolutionary present toward a people to come proceeds via the protocol, which provides reference points for an experiment which exceeds our capacities to foresee; (4) a people to come is a collectivity that reconfigures group relations in a polity superior to the present, but it is not a utopian collectivity without differences, conflicts and political issues. Science fiction formulates protocols of the politics of a people to come, and Octavia Butler's science fiction is especially valuable in disclosing the relationship between fabulation and the invention of a people to come.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-631
Author(s):  
Jessica Wardhaugh

Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayelet Harel-Shalev ◽  
Rebecca Kook

In this article, we examine the special challenges posed by the practice of polygamy to minority women, focusing on the ways that the state and the women confront the related experiences of violence and trauma associated with this practice. Based on analysis of both policy and interviews with women, we demonstrate the tension between the different mechanisms adopted by the state as opposed to those adopted by the women themselves. We suggest that the concept of ontological security is valuable for a deeper understanding of the range of state motivations in cases related to minority women, violence, and the right for protection. Our case study is the Bedouin community in Israel. We explore the relationship between individual and state-level conceptions of violence and trauma and the complex relationship between these two. We examine state discourses of ontological security through a gendered lens, as frameworks of belonging and mechanisms of exclusion.


Solusi ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-320
Author(s):  
Fitriah Fitriah

  A bank is a financial institution whose existence depends absolutely on the trust of its customers who entrust their savings funds. Banks are very concerned that the trust of the public, who have and who will save their funds, are well-maintained, considering that the bank is part of the financial system and payment system. Bank secrecy is very important because banks need the trust of the people who keep their money in the bank. The customer only entrusts his money to the bank or makes use of the bank's services if the bank provides a guarantee that the bank's knowledge of deposits and the state of their assets will not be misused. The legal relationship between the bank and the depository customer starts from the signing of a written agreement (contractual relationship) between the bank and the customer which contains the rights and obligations for each party. As for the form of agreement for depositing funds between the customer and the bank, it is called a deposit agreement (Article 1319 Civil Code). In a deposit agreement, the bank sets certain general requirements in a deposit account or savings account, among others, the recipient of the deposit (bank) can use the depositors' money and at a certain time the bank will provide interest. Other provisions that can be used as the basis of relations between banks and depositors are Proxy Giving. Depositors give their power to banks when signing deposit accounts or savings accounts or bank accounts. This agreement becomes a law or law for both parties (Article 1338 of the Civil Code). As a manifestation of the bank's responsibility for depositing customers, banks must pay attention to the 4 (four) pillars of the relationship between depositors and banks, namely: Prudence, Health, Bank Secrets and Trust


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