The Tightrope to Tomorrow: Reputational Security, Collective Vision and the Future of Public Diplomacy

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas J. Cull

Summary A global crisis exists today, driven by a toxic mix of populist politics and disruptive social media. For public diplomacy to respond, it must remain true to its core principles: 1) begin by listening; 2) connect to policy; 3) do not perform for domestic consumption; 4) look for credibility and partnership; as 5) the most credible voice is not your own. 6) Public diplomacy is not always ‘about you’; but 7) is everyone’s business. These core principles must now be supplemented by the following future needs: 1) reframing soft power as a new category of reputational security, relevant to the survival of vulnerable states; 2) contest disinformation and engage in information disarmament; 3) counter victim narratives; and 4) articulate a compelling vision of the future. This article refuses to abandon an element of optimism and continues to see hope in the ability of humans to connect effectively with one another.

Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1089-1110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hall

Abstract Over the past decade, India has invested significant resources in public diplomacy, using traditional and new approaches to build and leverage its soft power. This article examines the reasons for this investment, the various forms of public diplomacy India employs, and the effectiveness of its efforts to shape public opinion. It finds that Indian investment in public diplomacy is partly a response to concerns about the perceived growth of Chinese soft power and partly a function of changed beliefs in the foreign policy-making elite about the uses of new social media. It also finds that India's new public diplomacy seems to have met with some––albeit patchy––success in augmenting its soft power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dina Puspita Plehanku

Abstract Public Diplomacy as a part of soft power has been the main principle of Indonesia’s diplomacy under President Yudhoyono. Due to the ineffectiveness of Track 1 Diplomacy, Government-to-Government (G2G) relations, in promoting the positive image of Indonesia, the role of public diplomacy becomes important. Thus, public diplomacy practice which involves all aspects of society; Government to Government (G2G), Government to People Contact (G2P), and People to People Contact (P2P), is relevant in order to promote Indonesia to American society and strengthening its bilateral relations as well. This research, therefore, is trying to discuss the role of public diplomacy in strengthening the RI-US bilateral relations and its benefits to Indonesia’s foreign policy. The findings show that public diplomacy contributes in strengthening RI-US bilateral relations by the use of public diplomacy instruments such as cultural and educational exchanges, official visits and social media. Keywords: Soft Power, Public Diplomacy, RI-US Bilateral Relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 139-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Scott

Buddhism is being emphasised strongly in both Chinese and Indian public diplomacy, as they both seek to increase their soft-power attractiveness. This article finds that while Buddhism has served to draw the two countries together in their bilateral relationship, their current invocation of Buddhism as a bridge is in many ways an ahistorical reconstruction. The article also finds that Buddhism operates as a tool of diplomacy in a competitive way, as China and India both seek influence among Buddhist countries elsewhere in Asia and among international Buddhist organisations. Finally, this article finds that whereas China's use of Buddhism is straightforwardly tactical and to a degree disingenuous, India is able to incorporate genuine spiritual elements into its use of Buddhism, albeit within a setting of Hindu reinterpretation of Buddhism. In the future, China could shift from a short-term tactical to a long-term normative use of Buddhism within international socialisation scenarios.


Author(s):  
Manuel Enverga

Digital diplomacy, also referred to as e-Diplomacy or Diplomacy 2.0, is a form of public diplomacy that entails the pursuance of foreign policy objectives using the Internet and social media. It is one of the ways that actors in contemporary global politics can exert soft power, thereby shaping a host country’s perceptions, agendas, and policies. The increasing use of digital diplomacy exemplifies a shift in diplomatic from purely government-to-government (G2G) relations, to one in which communication is directed towards publics (G2P), and can even encourage citizens to interact with one another (P2P). One actor that has become increasingly active in this area is the European Union (EU). However, unlike a country, the regional bloc is a coalition of twenty-eight member states. Consequently, the challenge for EU digital diplomacy specialists is to represent a group of countries to local audiences. There is minimal literature on this subject, and this paper hopes to contribute to it by presenting a case study of the EU’s digital diplomacy initiatives towards Philippines, which are communicated through the popular social networking website, Facebook. This paper argues that the EU exercises its soft power through its social media transmissions it creates. The individuals featured in its online content, the way that the European Union represents itself, and the issues it highlights in its posts are all geared towards shaping the perceptions of Philippine audiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Georgi Aleksandrov

In times of exponential technological and communicational progress, the topic of the future of political communication is gaining more and more strength. As a result of the creation of many new means for communication and the evolution of the democratic society, there was born a new instrument of political power – public diplomacy. Many scholars have already developed large scale works on the topic about the role, the meaning, and the future of public diplomacy on the world stage. Here we have at hand the question for the future of Public Diplomacy in Bulgaria. This scientific topic is interrelated with yet another phenomenon – the European Union and the participation of Bulgaria as a member in it. This article reviews the future role of public diplomacy as an instrument of the sovereign assisted by the soft power of the EU and the significance of a strong and unified European Union.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-212
Author(s):  
Jiyoon (Karen) Han ◽  
Sung-Un Yang

Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as a part of new public diplomacy. The study specifically investigates NGO’s use of soft power and social media and how they collaborate with the government. This study utilizes qualitative analysis to investigate how an NGO called the Voluntary Agency Network of Korea (VANK) influences the national reputation of South Korea. In-depth interviews were conducted with VANK employees and officers from Korean government agencies who have expertise in promoting Seoul, South Korea, and Korean culture and have previously collaborated with VANK. Findings show that VANK shares functional roles with the government to convey positive information about South Korea based on boundary-spanning theory. VANK specifically demonstrates expertise in correcting misconceptions about Korea online and implanting positive images of Korea to foreigners by actively employing its extensive networks, social media, and soft power.


Author(s):  
J. Simon Rofe

The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship between these two enduring features of the contemporary world. The sections of the book addressing ‘Concepts and History’, ‘Public Diplomacy’ and ‘No Sport as Diplomacy’ are laid out. Further, it keeps a firm focus on the impact of the relationship between sport and diplomacy on practitioners and policy makers. The introduction argues for the relevance of the whole volume as shedding new light on to question such as: How far has sport been materially overlooked in the relationship between states and diplomacy? To what extent does sport provide a lens upon the international system that gives insight into broader issues of diplomacy, particularly the discourses of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy?; and What is the future of the relationship between Sport and Diplomacy?


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhys Crilley ◽  
Marie Gillespie ◽  
Alistair Willis

Throughout 2017, the Russian state broadcaster, RT (formerly Russia Today), commemorated the centenary of the 1917 revolution with a social media re-enactment. Centred on Twitter, the 1917LIVE project involved over 90 revolution-era characters tweeting in real time as if the 1917 revolution was happening live on social media. This article is based on an analysis of a sample of tweets by users who engaged with 1917LIVE, alongside focus group discussions with its followers. We argue that a cultural studies perspective can shed important light on the political significance of RT’s social media re-enactment in ways that current studies of public diplomacy as a soft power resource often fail to do. It can advance soft power theory by offering a more nuanced, dynamic analysis of how state media mobilise, and how audiences engage with, social media re-enactments as commemorative events. We find that rather than promoting a unitary propagandistic narrative about Russia, 1917LIVE served instead to soften attitudes towards RT itself – encouraging audiences to view RT as an educator and entertainer as well as a news broadcaster – normalising its presence as a Russian public diplomacy resource in the international news media landscape. Our analysis of audience interactions with and interpretations of 1917LIVE affords insights into how the 1917 re-enactment worked as didactic entertainment eliciting affective identification with the characters of the revolution. Such public diplomacy projects contribute in the short term to a strengthening of the engagement required to create longer-term soft power effects.


Author(s):  
Wanning Sun

The period since about the late 1980s has witnessed the phenomenal ascent of the People’s Republic of China as a political, economic, and military power on the global stage. China’s rise has engendered an earnest, if perhaps not well-executed, agenda to promote a more attractive image of the country. In this period China has also experienced a rapid escalation in outbound migration to various parts of the world, with a small number of countries in the global West emerging as the preferred destinations for Chinese migrants, and, in some cases, China becoming their biggest source of new migrants. In the United States, China replaced Mexico as the top sending country in 2018. In Canada, mainland China has taken over from Hong Kong and Taiwan as the largest source of Chinese immigration, while in Australia, China now has the second-largest migrant population behind the United Kingdom, and has only recently slipped into second position behind India as the nation’s leading source of new immigrants. These developments have made China’s diaspora the biggest in the world. In the eyes and minds of the Chinese government, Chinese migrants are important potential assets in its efforts to push its global soft power agenda. The period of accelerated outbound migration from China coincided with the emergence of first the internet, and then digital media—in particular, the most popular Chinese social media platform, WeChat (Weixin in Chinese). Against the backdrop of these developments at the macro level, the topic of social media and the Chinese diaspora becomes a question of considerable significance. Some analysts argue that the dramatically enlarged mainland Chinese diaspora has effectively become an instrument of China’s soft power agenda, while others point out the positive role that members of this group play in their host communities. In particular, they highlight the potential of Chinese-language social media—and in particular WeChat, which is widely used by Chinese people both within and outside China—to have a beneficial impact on Chinese immigrants’ prospects for social integration in the countries where they now reside. The pursuit of these questions entails a brief foray into a number of research areas, including the Chinese diaspora, the history and transformation of Chinese-language diasporic media, the infrastructural and regulatory framework of WeChat, and public diplomacy via diaspora. Addressing these questions also has the benefit of broadening, and possibly enriching, the concepts of digital diaspora, on the one hand, and digital citizenship, on the other.


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