Chinese Political Participation in Peninsula Malaysia: Under the Shadow of Malay Supremacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-214
Author(s):  
Samuel C. Y. Ku ◽  
Wen-Hsuan Hsiao
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Malaysian Chinese

Abstract With more than thirty ethnic groups, Malaysia is renowned for its multiculturalism and ethnic diversity. Unlike in Indonesia and the Philippines, where ethnic Chinese are rarely given the opportunity to serve in the central government. Therefore, political parties focus on ethnic needs and issues. Therefore, it is important to gain a greater understanding of the degree to which ethnic Malaysian Chinese are participating in these elections and what sort of political powers their political parties maintain. Aside from the introduction and conclusion, the paper is divided into three sections. The first part investigates the geographic areas that represent different ethnicities across Malaysia and the regions. The second section examines how much political influence the ethnic Chinese Malaysians maintain. The last section analyzes how ethnic Chinese Malaysian’s political participation has evolved over the years.

Two Styles of Military Rule: Thailand and Burma

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
John H. Badgley
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
Private Initiative ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Weakened Condition

THE DIVERSE POLICIES OF BURMESE A ND THAI GOVERNMENTS obscure the similarities between these two countries. To contrast their political styles highlights these similar features and also reveals a general political change that applies also to much of Asia. That trend is towards the politization of military leaders and their creation of political parties to sustain their power base. Civilian experts and civil organizations increasingly serve these military governments and thereby tend to bolster their legitimacy.It is two decades since the European powers commenced their withdrawal from Southeast Asia. Considerable political experimentation followed as leaders of these states adjusted their freshly won sovereignty to fit their weakened condition. Democracy burst on the region like a river in spate. Without exception every central government employed elections to legitimize itself. Then (but for the Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore) military juntas moved to seize power from impotent legislatures. Liberals saw military totalitarianism sweeping Asia, conservatives viewed the nationalization practices as statism that crushed private initiative.

Asian Immigration: The View from the United States

1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Gardner
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asian Immigration ◽  
Southeast Asian Refugees ◽  
Interethnic Violence

Between the 1965 immigration law and 1990, Asian immigration to the United States increased tenfold to a quarter of a million annually. As sender of the most immigrants, Japan has yielded to the Philippines, South Korea, Vietnam, India, and China. From 1974–1989, over 900,000 Southeast Asian refugees entered the United States. Most Asians today are admitted in the family preference category. On average, the sex ratio is balanced, but over 55% of immigrants from South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan are female. Asians are occupationally diverse, with a greater number of professionals/executives (35%) than laborers (14%). Though relatively few in number, Asians concentrate geographically (notably in California) and exert growing political influence in those areas. Except for refugees, Asians are generally viewed as having a positive impact as students and workers. On the other hand, inas much as they contribute to ethnic diversity, they fan the current fears over threats to a common American cultural heritage. Anti-Asian hate crimes and interethnic violence have risen. Asian immigration is likely to continue to rise and show greater emphasis on employment preference categories.

scholarly journals PENERAPAN METODE TRANSPROGAMMING DALAM PENCIPTAAN RUANG INTERAKSI ANTAR ETNIS YANG FLEKSIBEL DI PASAR BARU

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1969
Author(s):  
Reynold Andika Taruna ◽  
Tatang Hendra Pangestu
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Programming Method ◽  
Design Approach ◽  
Third Place ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Single Entity ◽  
Indian Architecture ◽  
Shopping Area ◽  
General Program

Pasar Baru Woven Society is a Third Place located on Jl. Pintu Air Raya, Pasar Baru, Central Jakarta. The project began with a vision to present a third place in Pasar Baru which became a crossing space between cultures and traditions in Pasar Baru. As is known in Pasar Baru village, it has a diversity of cultures consisting of several ethnic groups, including ethnic Chinese, ethnic Betawi, European ethnic, and Indian ethnic. Each of these ethnic groups has different needs and activities. Pasar Baru district has three main roads that dominate in the shopping area, each road has its own character, including; Pintu Air road is dominated by Indian architecture, Pasar Baru road is dominated by Chinese-style architecture, and Veteran road is dominated by European architecture. These roads seem separate because of their diversity, the Pasar Baru district should be a single entity that encompasses these differences. Therefore this project goals to cross various kinds of inter-ethnic programs that will generate a new typology of space that is more general and flexible so that it can be enjoyed together. To reach the goals, the design approach uses Bernard Tschumi's Trans Programming method. With this method, existing programs and programs that have similarities between ethnic groups will be crossed into a more general program to be together. So that there is no single program that is specific to one Ethnicity. Keywords:  ethnic diversity; Pasar Baru society; third place; trans programming  Abstrak Tenunan Masyarakat Pasar Baru merupakan sebuah Third Place yang terletak di Jl. Pintu Air Raya, Kelurahan Pasar Baru, Jakarta Pusat.  Proyek ini dimulai dari visi dan tujuan untuk menghadirkan tempat ketiga di kelurahan Pasar Baru yang menjadi ruang persilangan antar kebudayaan dan tradisi yang ada di Pasar Baru. Seperti yang diketahui di kelurahan Pasar Baru memiliki keberagaman kebudayaan yang terdiri dari beberapa Etnis, diantaranya etnis Tionghua, etnis Betawi, etnis eropa, dan etnis India.  Setiap etnis tersebut memiliki kebutuhan dan aktivitas yang berbeda – beda. Kelurahan Pasar Baru memiliki tiga buah jalan utama yang mendominasi di kawasan perbelanjaan tersebut, masing – masing jalan memiliki karakternya tersendiri, diantaranya; Jalan Pintu Air yang di dominasi oleh arsitektur India, Jalan Pasar Baru yang di dominasi oleh arsitektur bergaya Tionghua, dan Jalan Veteran yang di dominasi oleh arsitektur Eropa.  Jalan – jalan tersebut terkesan terpisah karena keberagamannya, seharusnya kelurahan Pasar Baru merup akan sebuah satu kesatuan yang melingkupi perbedaan tersebut. Maka dari itu project ini bertujuan untuk menyilangkan berbagai macam program antar Etnis yang akan menghasilkan sebuah tipologi ruang baru yang bersifat lebih general dan fleksibel agar dapat dinikmati bersama. Untuk mencapai hal tersebut maka pendekatan desain menggunakan metode Trans Programming Bernard Tschumi.  Dengan metode ini maka program yang ada dan program yang memiliki kesamaan antar etnis akan di silangkan menjadi suatu program yang lebih general untuk bersama. Sehingga tidak ada satupun program yang spesifik terhadap satu Etnis.

Introduction to the Tirap Area

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meenaxi Barkataki-Ruscheweyh
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Diversity ◽  
Final Section ◽  
General Introduction ◽  
National Socialist

The second chapter is a general introduction, both geographical as well as historical, to the ‘Tirap’ area where the Tangsa live in Assam. It also contains a description of the ethnic diversity of the area, where tribal groups such as the Tangsa, the Singpho, the Sema Naga and the Tai Phake live together with other communities such as the Nepali, the Ahoms and the Tea-tribes; Also discussed are the problems that the older tribal groups face as a result of the large number of new settlers coming to the area, the consequent gradual polarisation that is taking place there, and the state’s reaction to the prevailing situation, which finds expression in two events—first in the organization of the annual state-sponsored multi-ethnic Dihing-Patkai Festival in that area and secondly in the recent formation of a Development Council for eight ethnic groups (including the Tangsa). The coming of Baptist Christianity amongst the Tangsa and a brief summary of militant activities of the two insurgent organizations, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), active in the region, are also discussed. The final section introduces the problems that arise due to the Assamese hegemonic attitudes towards the smaller ethnic groups living in Assam.

scholarly journals Cross-cultural measurement invariance of the Revised Child Anxiety and Depression Scale across 11 world-wide societies

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Stevanovic ◽  
Z. Bagheri ◽  
O. Atilola ◽  
P. Vostanis ◽  
D. Stupar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Depressive Symptoms ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Measurement Invariance ◽  
Factor Model ◽  
Child Anxiety ◽  
Depression Scale ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
Health Study ◽  
Anxiety And Depression

Background.In order to compare estimates by one assessment scale across various cultures/ethnic groups, an important aspect that needs to be demonstrated is that its construct across these groups is invariant when measured using a similar and simultaneous approach (i.e., demonstrated cross-cultural measurement invariance). One of the methods for evaluating measurement invariance is testing for differential item functioning (DIF), which assesses whether different groups respond differently to particular items. The aim of this study was to evaluate the cross-cultural measurement invariance of the Revised Child Anxiety and Depression Scale (RCADS) in societies with different socioeconomic, cultural, and religious backgrounds.Methods.The study was organised by the International Child Mental Health Study Group. Self-reported data were collected from adolescents residing in 11 countries: Brazil, Bulgaria, Croatia, Indonesia, Montenegro, Nigeria, Palestinian Territories, the Philippines, Portugal, Romania and Serbia. The multiple-indicators multiple-causes model was used to test the RCADS items for DIF across the countries.Results.Ten items exhibited DIF considering all cross-country comparisons. Only one or two items were flagged with DIF in the head-to-head comparisons, while there were three to five items flagged with DIF, when one country was compared with the others. Even with all cross-culturally non-invariant items removed from nine language versions tested, the original factor model representing six anxiety and depressive symptoms subscales was not significantly violated.Conclusions.There is clear evidence that relatively small number of the RCADS items is non-invariant, especially when comparing two different cultural/ethnic groups, which indicates on its sound cross-cultural validity and suitability for cross-cultural comparisons in adolescent anxiety and depressive symptoms.

The Role of Stereotypes in Communication Between Ethnic Groups in the Philippines

Social Forces ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. M. Taylor ◽  
R. C. Gardner
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
The Philippines

Objectifs des partis politiques en Wallonie : A propos des élections communales

Res Publica ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 461-173
Author(s):  
André Philipart
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Local Power ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Political Variables ◽  
Made In

As the restructuration of municipalities (local power) could bring along new local political alliances, one would have thought about the possibility of a relevant modification of the political map of Wallonie (French speaking region of Belgium) after the «elections communales» of October 10th, 1976.Some experts had even conceived that the reorganization of the local authority was a manoeuvre of the central government, made in order to neutralize a region in which the «Parti Socialiste Belge» had the majority (voices 36.8 % and 35.5 % of the deputies and senators mandates) . Others thought that the national political strategy would prevail.On the contrary, the results of the election have proved, that the «Parti Socialiste Belge» has kept its predominance in Wallonie (175 lists PSB in the 262 municipalities, 87 lists «en cartel» ; 58 got the majority of the votes and participation in the coalitions in more than half of the municipalities).  The other political parties (PSC, PLP, etc.) have kept their position.The national strategy didn't appear neither in the program, nor in the constitution of the voting lists ( 445 lists for the national parties, 541 local lists).The national political «variables» (alternatives)(government versus opposition; Brussel v. the regions; center v. pheriphery ; community v. community), haven't brought modifications to the local objectives for which the main reason remains either to keep the power or to make its conquest.

La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Differences

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.

L'Eviction des Sēfuwa du Kānem et l'origine des Bulāla

1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Oral Traditions ◽  
The West ◽  
Lake Chad ◽  
Border States ◽  
Sedentary Population ◽  
The People ◽  
In The Beginning

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.

scholarly journals WOMEN, POLITICS, AND THE 1723 OATHS OF ALLEGIANCE TO GEORGE I

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 975-999 ◽  
Author(s):  
EDWARD VALLANCE
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Level Of Detail ◽  
Mass Public

ABSTRACTThis article explores the last instance of mass public oath-taking in England, the tendering of the oaths of allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration in the aftermath of the Jacobite Atterbury Plot of 1722. The records of this exercise, surviving in local record offices, have been little examined by historians. The returns are, however, unusual not only in the level of detail they occasionally provide concerning subscribers (place of abode, occupation, and social status) but also in the consistently high numbers of women who can be found taking the oaths. Prior to 1723, the appearance of female subscribers on oath returns was exceptional and usually assumed to be accidental. As this article seeks to demonstrate, the targeting of women in 1723 was intentional and represented a recognition of women's economic and political influence in early Hanoverian England. Even so, the presence of women on these oath returns represented a breach in the normal exclusion of women from formal political participation. The article suggests that other means of presenting public loyalty, namely the loyal address, were subsequently preferred which both seemed more the product of popular enthusiasm rather than state direction and which could informally represent women without conferring a public political identity.

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