Politics and Society

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 464-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALAN S. ZUCKERMAN ◽  
LAURENCE A. KOTLER-BERKOWITZ

The authors resolve a theoretical puzzle that characterizes the political preferences of members of social groups by (a) demonstrating that political homogeneity is a variable to be explained, (b) detailing how political discussions and shared attachments to political parties strongly influence its probability and arguing that political uniformity requires reinforcement and negotiation, (c) noting that the relatively low levels of shared policy preferences and political values are hardly influenced by any of the explanatory variables offered, and (d) presenting an alternative set of principles that accounts for these sometimes coherent and sometimes incoherent patterns. Finally, the authors address general themes in political analysis: the formation of political cultures and the relationship between theory and evidence in political science, themes at the heart of Harry Eckstein's contributions to theory in political science.

2020 ◽  
pp. 45-74
Author(s):  
Ethan Porter

This chapter studies the relationship between consumer fairness, political preferences, and policy uptake. Americans who support Donald Trump are especially likely to believe the government should be judged by the standards of private companies. New experimental evidence documents that, when politicians of both parties use consumer rhetoric, co-partisans of those leaders subsequently come to view politics in strikingly consumerist terms. In another experiment, results show that voters with low levels of political knowledge look most positively upon a hypothetical political candidate who promises cost-benefit alignability, compared to a candidate who promises more benefits than costs. The chapter then describes a field experiment administered in cooperation with a health insurance cooperative funded under the Affordable Care Act (ACA). A message that framed the cooperative as meeting the standards of cost-benefit alignability caused people to enroll in the cooperative.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 439-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen A. Frankovic

The relationship between sex and political behavior has been discussed only in passing in the political science literature, if it is discussed at all. There has been little evidence from the 1940s to the 1970s that gender plays a role in determining issue positions, candidate evaluations, or candidate preference, as a quick perusal of some well-read political science works would confirm.Berelson, Lazarsfeld and McPhee inVoting, the seminal work on opinion formation in a presidential campaign, discovered no relationship between vote preference and sex. The researchers did discover a difference in reported interest in the 1948 campaign between men and women early in the campaign, but even that difference faded as the election drew near.Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes inThe American Votermake no mention of either the existence or non-existence of sex difference in policy or candidate preference. They focus instead on differences in turnout, involvement and efficacy. Although they suggest that at one time opinions about Prohibition may have separated men from women, the authors conclude, “In the current era, there is no reason to believe that womenas womenare differentially attracted to one of the political parties.”Pomper inVoters' Choicedoes find a relationship between sex and one issue dimension–the dimension of war and peace. But Pomper, Campbell and Berelson agree that any sex differences cannot, by definition, be long-lasting. Berelson cites the lack of differentiation in the way policies affect the sexes, the lack of differences in intergenerational transmission, and the lack of segregation between the sexes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nuria Sanchez Madrid

This paper tackles the construction of social and political values that contemporary Alt-Right politics foster. Its aim will be, first, to tackle the values that Alt-Right parties are spreading at a global scale from the last decade. Second, I will focus on how they address the most precarious social groups for increasing their supporters and how they have built a new model of the social order that gainsays human and civil rights. Finally, I will give an account of some reasons that explain the social failure of classical Leftist political parties, also attempting to transform the ways they accost the former ‘working class’. I engage a dialogue with Zeynep Gambetti and Vladimir Safatle, as both authors have centrally addressed the cultural struggle that populist right parties accomplish on a global scale.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Arif Prasetyo Wibowo

This study discussed the purpose of political education for the Regional Leadership Council of the Indonesian Democratic Party of struggle in West Java Province, the relationship of the party’s platform to the values of Pancasila, and the approaches, methods, and media used by the party in growing Pancasila values to its cadres. This study used a qualitative approach with case studies. Data collection was done through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis used interactive analysis. The results of this study were political education carried out by political parties to their cadres was a process of political socialization to improve the quality of human resources owned by the West Java Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan Party Regional Board. The relationship between the party platform and Pancasila values was a process of political education in which cadres were given new knowledge, understanding, and experience in transforming their political values and orientation towards the expected ideal system. The approaches, methods, and media carried out by political parties were carried out through the recruitment of political parties to ensure the sustainability and preservation of political parties.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Francesco Olmastroni

Since the late nineteenth century, the tension generated by the lumping of subjective and personal opinion with objective and common public as a single concept is matter that urged scholars to provide a comprehensive definition of public opinion. This article is intended to trace the history of the modern study of public opinion in political science. It begins with a description of the early theoretical works and their attempts to investigate the mass public through systematic and normative analyses, and then focuses on the individual and psychological dimension examined by contemporary empirical works. The article draws some conclusions on both the main achievements and the most manifested limitations that this branch of political analysis must overcome in order to better understand the relationship between public opinion and democratic governance.


2018 ◽  
pp. 639-650
Author(s):  
Azyumardi Azra

Thomas B. Pepinsky, R. William Liddle, and Saiful Mujani. 2018. Piety and Public Opinion: Understanding Indonesian Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press Saiful Mujani, R. William Liddl, and Kuskridho Ambardi. 2018. Voting Behavior in Indonesia since Democratization: Critical Democrats. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This article aims to review two books written by four foremost scholars in the field of political science. In the context of understanding Islam and the culture of democracy, these two books can answer questions that are often discussed, that is the relationship between religious piety and political behavior in Indonesia. Quantitatively, 99.7% of total Muslims in Indonesia state that religion is an important element in their lives. However, in terms of political preferences, this fact does not have implications for the votes obtained by Islamic-based political parties, especially in the post-Soeharto elections. They, instead of carrying out their own candidates, tend to be supporters in the presidential election and local leaders elections. To figure out this puzzle, these books are very pivotal works to understand the relationship between Islamic piety and politics. Both of these books show that there has been an increase in the level of piety of the Indonesian Muslims in the past two or three decades. However, creating piety does not affect their political behavior - specifically their voting behavior in elections.


1972 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey K. Roberts

COMPARATIVE POLITICS IS EVERYTHING – OR IT IS NOTHING. Superficially, these appear to be the only logical positions that can be maintained when considering the relationship of comparative politics to the various areas and divisions of the discipline of political science. The now old-fashioned use of the title to indicate either a small number of country studies loosely linked by structural comparison, or a somewhat broader field of institutional comparison, whatever the pedagogic arguments of coherence or convenience, possesses neither logical boundary nor scientific integrity. Yet once that treacherous one step further is taken in the directions of functional comparison, or, further, consideration of the ‘comparative method’ itself and the distinctions between comparative politics and, say, political theory, political sociology or political analysis disappear completely.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria José Sotelo ◽  
Luis Gimeno

The authors explore an alternative way of analyzing the relationship between human development and individualism. The method is based on the first principal component of Hofstede's individualism index in the Human Development Index rating domain. Results suggest that the general idea that greater wealth brings more individualism is only true for countries with high levels of development, while for middle or low levels of development the inverse is true.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.


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