The Political Impact of Foreign Labor: A Re-evaluation of the Western European Experience

1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark J. Miller

Foreign workers in Western Europe generally have been portrayed as powerless and voiceless. Especially for contemporary Marxists, foreign labor policy is seen as serving to reinforce the political status quo. This article suggests that foreign workers in Western Europe participate politically more often and in more diverse ways than generally thought. Their participation often is politically disruptive and has contributed to the growing perception that the sociopolitical costs of foreign labor policy outweigh its economic benefits.

Author(s):  
А.K. Kistaubayeva ◽  

This article examines the state of labor immigration of the Kazakh Diaspora, as well as studying the possibilities of conditions for economic adaptation of Kazakhs in developed capitalist countries. The purpose of this study is to identify the causes of labor migration of Kazakhs to France. Based on this goal, the study solves the following tasks aimed at studying the history and current situation of Kazakhs living in France, in the focus of analyzing the policy of the French government in relation to immigration workers and employees in the 1945- 1980-ies; the reasons for labor immigration of Kazakhs to France. Western Europe has become a center of attraction for foreign workers coming here, primarily from the less developed countries of the continent, as well as from Turkey. In the last ten years, inter-state migration of workers in Western Europe has grown to unprecedented proportions. Every year, more than a million workers were sent from one European country to another in search of work. The reasons lay in the political and economic crisis, the increase in the unemployment rate, which was the result of an increase in the number of migrants among Kazakhs in France. The post-war economic situation caused the demand for workers to restore the economy destroyed by the war, and led to an increase in the level of tariffs (wages). Scientists believe that the active replenishment of the French labor market with cheap foreign labor from other countries is due to the convenient location of France.


2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.


Author(s):  
Jelle J.P. Wouters

This chapter examines how protracted political conflict shapes the ways ordinary Naga men and women ‘see’ the postcolonial state. For most Nagas, long decades of conflict were marked by a dual relation to the state. On the one hand, they experienced the coercive, repressive powers of the state, while, after the enactment of Nagaland in 1963, the state manifested itself as a source of largesse and livelihood, as part of a politically driven policy of ‘seduction’ to tie Nagas to existing state structures and the political status quo. These historical experiences muddled distinctions between the state as a benevolent provider and protector, and that of a dispenser of bodily violence and misery, between the state as a lucrative resource and reservoir of public resentment. The way Naga villagers engage and ‘see’ the state, I argue, is mediated by this historical ambiguity.


2020 ◽  
pp. xxviii-10
Author(s):  
Rory Costello

This chapter begins by describing the scope and main themes of the book, and explaining the rationale for the countries selected for inclusion. It discusses the prevalence of democracy in Europe, and provides an overview of some of the main similarities and differences between European democracies. A number of recent developments that have challenged the political status quo across the continent are highlighted. The chapter also outlines the general approach taken throughout the book, and discusses the importance of comparison in political research. It concludes with an outline of the book and a brief summary of its three main sections.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (5) ◽  
pp. 669-685
Author(s):  
Angelos Loukakis ◽  
Martín Portos

The implementation of austerity and neoliberal policies has disrupted everyday life for a significant number of Europeans, especially among young people. Rising tuition fees, labor market reforms, levels of unemployment, precarious working conditions, and discontent toward the political status quo have contributed to increase moral panics and outrage, which have often triggered mass protests. This article analyses whether and to what extent young Europeans express their demands via protest claims across nine European countries ( N = 4,525). We argue that examining political (institutional and discursive) opportunities and claims’ attributes (such as actors, issues, targets) is important to understand whether a youth-related claim takes a protest form or not.


Significance The change of president and government in late January has shifted the power balance in favour of the Socialist Party (BSP), but the centre-right Citizens for Bulgaria’s European Development (GERB) is still the stronger political force. The three most influential parties -- GERB, BSP and the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) -- are all focused on preserving the political and economic status quo, and on opposing radical judicial reform as demanded by the EU. Pro-reform forces to the right of GERB are in disarray, while the nationalist parties are united and on the rise. Impacts GERB has yet to find itself a role that could win it another victory over the BSP, as in 2014. As the weaker party, the BSP will be more aggressive in exploiting anti EU sentiment. Long-anticipated judicial reform will remain elusive. The degree of Bulgaria's distance from Brussels will be influenced primarily by events and elections in Western Europe.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon H. Fiva ◽  
Olle Folke

To understand how electoral reform affects political outcomes, one needs to assess its total effect, incorporating how the reform affects the outcomes given the political status quo (the mechanical effects) and the additional reactions of political agents (the psychological effects). This article proposes a framework to ascertain the relative magnitude of mechanical and various psychological effects. The empirical approach is based on pairwise comparisons of actual and counterfactual seat allocation outcomes. It uses the design to analyze a nationwide municipal electoral reform in Norway, which changed the seat allocation method from D’Hondt to Modified Sainte-Laguë. The study documents clear psychological effects.


Te Kaharoa ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Moon

Although the manifestos or policies of most New Zealand political parties aspire to improve some aspect of the country, few have matched the Values Party’s 1972 Blueprint for the utopian form and extent of the changes it promised to being into effect. And unlike the policies of most other New Zealand political parties in the twentieth century, the Values Party proposed that material progress ought to be stopped at some point, echoing the notion of the stationary state which John Stuart Mill devised in 1848.   However, the Blueprint’s distinctly utopian orientation was not only necessarily subversive of the political status quo in the country, but simultaneously rejected the past and present in favour of a radically transformed future, while (seemingly paradoxically) drawing on a nostalgic interpretation of aspects of New Zealand’s colonial era as a thematic source of its utopian construct for the country. This article examines these dimensions of the Blueprint, and how the inherent flaws in practically all utopian movements similarly undermined the Values Party’s programme for a utopian New Zealand.


Soundings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (75) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Colin Coulter ◽  
John Reynolds

The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.


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