scholarly journals Regional stability through energy cooperation: The case of the EU and Ukraine

European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmytro Chumak ◽  
Andrian Prokip

Despite the progress Ukraine has made in the energy sector since the 2014 revolution, there are still many internal and external challenges that have to be overcome. Recently the government has adopted a new energy strategy, which aims to establish a comprehensive approach to developing the energy sector, both to meet the EU’s standards and to cope with existing challenges. However, development strategies in Ukraine usually face problems at the implementation stage due to political and economic obstacles. This article argues that regional cooperation in the energy sphere, which would lead to successful reforms and the implementation of Ukraine’s new energy strategy, would not favour just one party, but the region in general, especially in terms of standing up to the common geopolitical threat from Russia. Collaboration between the EU and Ukraine will bring better interdependence and will contribute to strengthening regional energy security.

Author(s):  
Anatoly Zhuplev ◽  
Dmitry A. Shtykhno

Europe’s economic wellbeing and growth are highly energy dependent and heavily reliant on Russian imports of oil and gas. European energy security, its alternatives, and implications are examined in this chapter with the view of sustainability and the EU-Russian energy dialog. With an asymmetric mutual political-economic interdependency with Russia, Europe’s exposure in oil and gas calls for sustainable energy solutions. Meantime, Russia, the key energy supplier in the European region, is also a major energy consumer whose economy is characterized by high energy intensity. Russian energy sector needs serious improvements in technology, investment, and management: failure to address these priorities erodes Russia’s reliability as major regional energy supplier. The chapter explores the dynamics of Russian energy sector and implications for European energy security and sustainability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Wenjing Mao ◽  
Yanqing Jiang

New energy vehicles are being paid unprecedented attention by governments, manufacturers and consumers for their environmentally friendly features. However, the high attention has not turned into a large demand. Even with the support from the government, the sales of new energy vehicles remain far from acceptable. The disappointing performance of the new energy vehicles concerns the domestic automakers that desire to implement the new energy strategy. Starting from the consumers’ decision, this paper gives an economic analysis of the influencing factors of purchasing the new energy cars. Given the temporarily unchangeable infrastructure and environment, this paper provides some product portfolio under the current resource. Finally, referring to the influencing factors once more, we give the domestic automakers some suggestions to play up strengths and avoid weaknesses.


Author(s):  
N. G. Zhavoronkova ◽  
Yu. G. Shpakovskii

The article analyzes the draft energy strategy of Russia for the period up to 2035, its relationship to other strategic planning documents. The authors focus on the problems of innovative development of the fuel and energy sector for the planned period and the reflection of environmental safety issues in the draft of the new energy strategy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (46) ◽  
pp. 113-118
Author(s):  
R. V. Romaniuk ◽  

Innovation and investment development is an important pre-requisite, to form competitive environment, improve the efficiency of economic entities and the liberalization process, in general. Foreign experience convincingly shows that liberalization processes in terms of radical adaptation of legislation, as well as stability, reliability and continuity of power supply (provided that the energy sector is demonopolized) are considered efficient if causing synergistic effect, making the performance of power supply business entities by times better than it used to be. The article studies the features of the transformation processes in the energy markets in the advanced countries and in Europe. A review of the criteria that formed the basis for the study has been carried out. The author identifies some consequences of the abovementioned reform of the regional energy sector markets, carried out by integrating the country’s industrial sector development. It is also mentioned that the specificity of territorial and climatic conditions should promote the search for and implementation of a model that would ensure the continuity and multi-functionality of national and regional energy markets. The stages of the reform have been monitored. The analysis of the implementation of the regulatory framework was focused on the following points: the differentiation of certain activities related to the transportation, production, purchase and sale of energy; unification of the single tariff for using energy resources on all the EU territories. It has been found out that the process of reforming the energy markets has no universal scenario that could accelerate these processes, as the transformation is only carried out under special conditions specific to a particular country. The experience of the advanced countries has shown that the consequences of the reform differ despite the application of the same models. It is noted that during the liberalization of energy markets, the EU countries primarily aimed at implementing regulatory instruments, and structurally divided them into 3 stages for the entire reformation period. The future scenario of reforming Ukraine’s energy market is outlined, taking into account the experience of the advanced countries with an emphasis on the following sectors: «the market of direct bilateral agreements», «futures market», «balancing market», «related market». The industry reform and its structural support have been monitored. The measures to be taken to reform the energy market are systematized in 4 groups: regulatory and legal, organizational and structural, financial and investment, technical and innovative measures.


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-647
Author(s):  
Peter Pintz

After the first oil-price shock of 1973, a search for new energy policies was started all over the world. Changing one fundamental concept - that relating to the general development of energy supply and consumption - was, however, out of the question. The pre-1973 trend of development was maintained. The energy elasticities did not change. The old forecasts were still held to be valid and were considered now, as earlier, to be the objectives which a successful energy policy had to achieve. This was considered a prerequisite for high growth rates of GNP and improvements in living conditions, and energy consumption was regarded as an indicator of the level of economic development. Therefore, the focus was shifted to an enlargement of the supply of indigenous energy resources as a substitute for imported energy, so that dependence on foreign countries could be minimized.


Author(s):  
V. I. Denysenko

The failure to sign the Association Agreement with the EU in autumn 2013 has been investigated. The role of the Russian factor, which became decisive in the foreign policy reversal of the Yanukovych regime, has been revealed. The importance of Viktor Yanukovych’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 27, 2013, in the dramatic change of Ukraine’s international vector has been emphasized. On the basis of diplomats’ memoirs, the assumption about intimidation of the Ukrainian President by the Russian side has been substantiated. The timeline of the preparation of the 2013 Vilnius Summit, the position of EU structures and the attempts of the fourth President of Ukraine to win time to trade with the Russians have been reproduced. The thesis about the Donetsk clan’s attempts to prepare public opinion for a 180 degree turn in late October - early November 2013 has been presented. For this purpose, demonstration meetings were organized with representatives of Ukrainian business and trade unions, who called for revision of plans for European integration on their own initiative. The main role in manipulating public opinion rested on the government of Mykola Azarov and the Verkhovna Rada, which had a majority coalition led by the Party of Regions. Instead, Viktor Yanukovych continued his European integration rhetoric and reiterated to Western partners his own willingness to sign the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU. On November 21, the real position of the ruling elite was made available to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. According to it, the process of preparation for the signing of the Association Agreement was suspended, the proposal was made for the trilateral Ukraine-EU-Russia negotiations, and the ministries were tasked with developing measures to maintain economic ties with the CIS countries. The decision was rejected by European partners and led to Yanukovych’s attempts to find other ways to thwart the signing of the Agreement. It has been proved that this role was played by Yanukovych’s requirements for financial assistance from the EU amounting to about 160 billion euros, which aimed to prevent the signing of the Association Agreement. Key words: Viktor Yanukovych, association of Ukraine with the EU, эYulia Tymoshenko, European integration, Pat Cox, Alexander Kwasniewski, Vladimir Putin.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-518
Author(s):  
Austė Vaznonytė

What role does the rotating Council Presidency maintain a decade after Lisbon? This article argues that, regardless of institutional changes, the rotating Presidency still shapes the Council agenda to a large extent. Based on an original hand-coded dataset of rotating Presidency programmes between 1997 and 2017, I show that some policies are ‘stickier’ on the Council agenda, while the others exhibit significant changes in salience over time. Since the magnitude of these shifts varies from Presidency to Presidency, the analysis focuses on domestic political factors and the country positioning vis-à-vis the European Union to determine their relationship with agenda volatility. By means of a panel model, the examination demonstrates that the government issue salience can best explain the levels of issue salience in the Presidency programmes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Alexander Baranovsky ◽  
Nataliia Tkachenko ◽  
Vladimer Glonti ◽  
Valentyna Levchenko ◽  
Kateryna Bogatyrova ◽  
...  

Traditionally, public procurement has been associated with the measurement of achieving savings. However, recent research shows that the economic impact of public procurement is not limited only to savings, but by measuring the impact of four capitals—natural, human, social, and economic—on sustainable well-being over time. Ukraine is a country with a very low gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, which exacerbates the problem of the impact of public procurement results on the population’s welfare. Ukrainian public procurement legislation allows customers to apply non-price criteria (the share of non-price criteria cannot be more than 70%), which, together, are taken into account in the formula of the quoted price. The studies show that the effect of the use of non-price criteria depends on the relevance of the method of the evaluation of non-price criteria. The most important non-price criteria for Ukrainian customers by product categories and the methods of their evaluation are analyzed according to the Bi.prozorro.org analytics module. Therefore, it is concluded that the quoted price method, which is used in Ukrainian practice, is not relevant in comparison with the method used in the EU. A survey of the government buyers on the practice of applying non-price criteria was conducted, and the areas of their use were identified.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


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