Politainment social audience and political engagement: Analysing Twitter conversations in Spain

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-42
Author(s):  
Salomé Berrocal Gonzalo ◽  
Rocío Zamora Medina ◽  
Marta Rebolledo de la Calle

Politainment is a phenomenon that deals with the political communication of entertainment regarding its production, diffusion and intake in its different formats. It entails consequences regarding the dynamics of communication such as political informative decline, along with the loss of democratic quality giving prominence to a post-truth communication environment and promoting the celebritization of politicians. The academic basis upholds that, in the politainment environment, social networks play an important role acting as instruments that help promote information exchange, both horizontally and vertically, from an active, connected, empowered social audience which evidences participation, contribution, production and collaboration. This research is pioneer in identifying the kind of contents of politainment programmes that promote a greater engagement among the social audience. Therefore, it includes an empirical analysis from a quantitative and qualitative approach of the contents of tweets and comments with the highest level of interaction among prosumers from the profiles of the three most representative politainment programmes in Spain: El Objetivo, El programa de Ana Rosa and El Intermedio. The results achieved from this comparative analysis include significant differences regarding the politainment content promoted by these programmes and also in relation to the level of online engagement. Although the limited interaction from the social audience was a common pattern, the results show that tweets with hashtags, visual elements and the ones using the attribute of responsibility frame achieved a higher engagement level than the rest of them.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Steven Donbavand ◽  
Bryony Hoskins

Citizenship Education could play a pivotal role in creating a fairer society in which all groups participate equally in the political progress. But strong causal evidence of which educational techniques work best to create political engagement is lacking. This paper presents the results of a systematic review of controlled trials within the field based on transparent search protocols. It finds 25 studies which use controlled trials to test causal claims between Citizenship Education programs and political engagement outcomes. The studies identified largely confirm accepted ideas, such as the importance of participatory methods, whole school approaches, teacher training, and doubts over whether knowledge alone or online engagement necessarily translate into behavioral change. But the paucity of identified studies also points both to the difficulties of attracting funding for controlled trials which investigate Citizenship Education as a tool for political engagement and real epistemological tensions within the discipline itself.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202127
Author(s):  
Chirles da Silva Monteiro ◽  
Gutemberg Armando Diniz Guerra

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Budi Rizka ◽  
Lismalinda ◽  
Adnan ◽  
Moriyanti ◽  
Faisal

Purpose of the study: The study aims are to investigate levels of language politeness and its violations in the political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo and to describe the types of politeness and its violations in political communication of Jokowi and Prabowo as Indonesian president candidates in 2019. Methodology: This research was used a qualitative approach with the descriptive method by paying attention to the Interactive Model theory to describe the object in analysis data through a pragmatic approach to identify the politeness principles and its violation following Leech’s (1983) theory. The subject of data on this research has conducted the utterances of Indonesian president candidates 2019 in the second debate session. Main Findings: The result of the study can be concluded that five principles of politeness seen in the utterances of the presidential candidate. They are tact, approbation, modesty, agreement, and sympathy maxim. Furthermore, in this research, Prabowo was more polite than Jokowi where he has produced utterances of approbation, agreement, and less violation of modesty, while Jokowi more violated the modesty maxim. Applications of this study: The study has an impact on political behavior. Other areas of study include social and political science and communication Novelty/Originality of this study: This research is the new way in the context of language politeness study where combined the language politeness principles with socio-political science especially political communication.


2014 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 939-960 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOÃO NUNES

AbstractIt has become common to speak of health security, but the meaning of the latter is often taken for granted. Existing engagements with this notion have been constrained by an excessive focus on national security and on the securitising efforts of elites. This has led to an increasingly sceptical outlook on the potentialities of security for making sense of, and helping to tackle, health problems. Inspired by the idea of security as emancipation, this article reconsiders the notion of health security. It takes as its starting point the concrete insecurities experienced by individuals, and engages with them by way of an analytical framework centred on the notion of domination. Domination deepens analysis by connecting individual experiences of insecurity, the social interactions through which these are given meaning, and the structures that make them possible. Domination also broadens the remit of analysis, shedding light on the multifaceted nature of insecurity. The analytical benefits of this framework are demonstrated by two examples: HIV/AIDS; and water and sanitation. The lens of domination is also shown to bring benefits for the political engagement with global health problems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Indra Setia Bakti ◽  
Khairul Amin

As a newcomer, the Perindo Party seeks to implement a specific strategy in order to compete with other parties that have already existed in the Indonesian political contestation. One of these is charity show programs. The high rating and concern societies watching the lives of poor people in various charity programs show besides creating profits also become a means of political communication. When political actors control the media, it is clear that there are interests also communicated, including the political powers of the funnel to get support from voters. When the Perindo Party is declared, the "scent" that HT and his party would use the media under their control is very clear. These signals can also be observed from the dominance of HT’s trusted people in the MNC Group in the composition of the Central Management Board Center, the Assembly of the Union Party and the court of Perindo party. That mean a charity program not only gives a very big business profit, but also the political media communication, enhance social branding in front of audiences, and build a base of loyal voters from poor family beneficiaries. To finishing this paper, the author uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The data in this article sourced from observations, studies of literature, and other sources considered relevant and then analyzed by the exchange theory of Peter Blau.


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-336
Author(s):  
A G Kiselev ◽  
P N Kirichek

The article considers the trends of political communication under the social-cultural dynamics of post-industrial society; emphasizes the maximization of the political-communicative factor in accelerating social progress; assesses the role of political communicative systems in the causal complex of social transformations; describes the resources of political communication to solve the problems of organization and self-organization of public life; considers the constructive possibilities of political-communicative systems to optimize relations between the state and society on the democratic basis; identifies the role of political communication in the development of civil society. The authors describe two mega-elements in the political communication - mechanics (form) and socionics (content); provide an updated and expanded description of the object and subject of political communication in connection with its structural-functional arsenal (activity, semantic, normative and systemic); explain the optimal mode of information exchange between citizens through the channels of political communication - political discourse and its genres in the public sphere with an emphasis on television talk shows; assess the importance of the moral-ethical aspect for the political sector of public life; compare the same in essence and different in specifics ‘faces of power’ in connection with its functions. The article also identifies political-communicative conditions for the agreement (compromise) between the government and the people on socially significant issues; clarifies the ideological-technological features of the contemporary political communication; defines the “golden ratio” of communication in the political sphere - a managerial decision, and provides positive and negative examples of managerial decisions within the political-communicative transfer; emphasizes the need to construct a political-communicative process as a dialogue between the elite (government) and the masses (people).


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-696
Author(s):  
Mariyamgul M. Kussainova

In the context of the accelerated development of new media and the growth of e-democracy, the mediatization of Kazakhstani politics is entering a new digital-driven stage of development. The authors approach relevance lies in studying the modern digital-driven strategy of Kazakhstani political communication and identifying methods of influence of political parties on the electorate, manipulative media forms on certain segments of the electorate from the opposition. The article presents an analysis of the main strategic resources of the politics mediatization and of their impact. Moreover, it reveals the influence tendencies of the political mediatization, the political communication in society and with party stakeholders. The author attempts to analyze the methods and formats of transmedia storytelling in the social networks on the Internet for the political leaders communication shaping, social and political dialogue building. The research material included the election campaigns of parliamentary and unregistered parties texts in Kazakhstani social media, the posts / publications on social networks during the first ever primaries in the countrys history and the parliamentary elections of 2019 and 2021.


Author(s):  
Katimin ◽  
Syukur Kholil ◽  
Yusfriadi

The political journey of Aceh's traditional dayah ulema before, did not succeed in gaining public support in the two election periods, namely the 2009-2014 period and the 2014-2019 period. Supposedly, the politics of the Dayah ulema had the full support of the people of Aceh which incidentally were a majority Muslim. This phenomenon is influenced by various factors, including political communication. Regarding scholars as political communicators, ethics is the most important thing in determining political success. Therefore, it will be examined regarding the ethics of political communication of traditional Acehnese dayah scholars. This study uses a qualitative approach with reference to ethnographic principles. The purpose of this study is to reveal the ethics of political communication in Aceh's traditional dayah ulema in Bireuen District.The results showed that the ethics of political communication of Aceh's traditional dayah ulema in the district of Bireuen generally referred to efforts to preserve their religious status as heirs of the Prophet in the morality of al-karimah. The spirit of the cleric who made them a public figure and public opinion to attract public empathy, is considered to have used religion for political purposes. The assumption of using da'wah pulpit as a campaign media indicates that there is justification for the absence of ethical communication politics.


Author(s):  
Michael X. Delli Carpini

In recent years political communication scholars have begun to build a small but important body of quantitative research suggesting that the consumption of entertainment media can affect how citizens learn about, think about, and act in the political world. However, we have limited our ability to understand this relationship by treating entertainment media as a distinct and ghettoized area of study and by an overreliance on theories originating in the study of news and other overtly public affairs media. This chapter argues that what constitutes “politics,” “political engagement,” “political effects,” and “politically relevant media” is not based on inherent qualities of a particular genre, medium, or topic, but is rather are socially constructed. This has always been true, but it is arguably more so in the information environment of the twenty-first century, which for a variety of reasons challenges the presumed distinction between “news” and “entertainment.”


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