scholarly journals EURASISM AS ONE OF THE IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF RUSSIA'S SECURITY IN THE XX AND XXI CENTURIES: POLITICAL AND LEGAL VIEWS L.N. GUMILYOV AND V.V. KOZHINOV

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Egor A. Kulikov

The instability of the situation in the Eurasian space, renewed conflicts in the Transcaucasus, political events in Belarus and individual cities of Russia, on the one hand, and the ongoing integration processes in the post-Soviet space between states and peoples that are close in historical memory and national-cultural values, on the other, - determine the relevance of the issue of the ideological security of Russia, as well as the ideological support of these integration processes. The political and legal doctrine of Eurasianism substantiates the inevitability of the common fate of the peoples inhabiting the territory of the former Russian Empire and the USSR, determines the grounds for the peaceful coexistence of these peoples, as well as their interaction, from various sides and positions. This article examines the political and legal views of the later representatives of Eurasianism - L.N. Gumilyov and V.V. Kozhinov. The method of working with primary sources, the comparative method, the historical method, partly the method of ascent from the concrete to the abstract is used. It is concluded that the named thinkers develop in their works a civilizational approach to history, society, the state, and also determine the ideological foundations of national unity on the territory of Russia-Eurasia. It should be noted that despite the extensive bibliography of studies of Eurasianism in legal science, the works of V.V. Kozhinov and L.N. Gumilyov are rarely touched upon by scientists. Meanwhile, L.N. Gumilev brought the civilizational approach to the level of the scientific theory of ethnogenesis, developed in detail the concept of passionarity, and V.V. Kozhinov is the largest Russian historian of the XX century and offers a balanced and reasonable approach to this period of development of our country.

2020 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Iman Hegazy

Public spaces are defined as places that should be accessible to all inhabitants without restrictions. They are spaces not only for gathering, socializing and celebrating but also for initiating discussions, protesting and demonstrating. Thus, public spaces are intangible expressions of democracy—a topic that the paper tackles its viability within the context of Alexandria, case study Al-Qaed Ibrahim square. On the one hand, Al-Qaed Ibrahim square which is named after Al-Qaed Ibrahim mosque is a sacred element in the urban fabric; whereas on the other it represents a non-religious revolutionary symbol in the Alexandrian urban public sphere. This contradiction necessitates finding an approach to study the characteristic of this square/mosque within the Alexandrian context—that is to realize the impact of the socio-political events on the image of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square, and how it has transformed into a revolutionary urban symbol and yet into a no-public space. The research revolves around the hypothesis that the political events taking place in Egypt after January 25th, 2011, have directly affected the development of urban public spaces, especially in Alexandria. Therefore methodologically, the paper reviews the development of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square throughout the Egyptian socio-political changes, with a focus on the square’s urban and emotional contextual transformations. For this reason, the study adheres to two theories: the "city elements" by Kevin Lynch and "emotionalizing the urban" by Frank Eckardt. The aim is not only to study the mentioned public space but also to figure out the changes in people’s societal behaviour and emotion toward it. Through empowering public spaces, the paper calls the different Egyptian political and civic powers to recognize each other, regardless of their religious, ethnical or political affiliations. It is a step towards replacing the ongoing political conflicts, polarization, and suppression with societal reconciliation, coexistence, and democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Wolde Mikhael Kassaye Nigusie ◽  
Natalia Viktorovna Ivkina

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Lükő

A cikk a szakképzési törvény megjelenésének 25. évfordulója alkalmából rendezett „25 éves a szakképzési törvény - Korszakos változások - új irányok” című konferencia előadása alapján készült, amelyet a szerző vezette Az első szakképzési törvény gazdasági- társadalmi környezete nemzetközi kitekintésbe című Panel keretében tartott.Ez a negyedszázados esemény a társadalmi-gazdasági szinten zajló rendszerváltás fontos része volt a másik két oktatási alrendszer törvényi szabályozásával együtt.Az írás ezt a korszakot, illetve a törvényhez kapcsolódó gazdasági-társadalmi környezetet mutatja be nemzetközi kontextusban.A téma elvi-elméleti felvezetéseként a szerző áttekinti a különböző szempontok és léptékek szerinti szakképzési modelleket, amelyek a világban fellelhetők. The government formed after the political events in 1989 considered the comprehensive transformation of the educational system, primarily by legal regulation, as one of their main tasks. After years of preparation, the three acts on education were passed in 1993, including the Act on VET. Several documents, e.g. the National Qualification Registry, are connected to this law; in this article I have undertaken to examine these connections and to make comparisons to other countries. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the law taking effect, on May 5th 2018 the Hungarian Association for Pedagogy and the Teacher Training Centre of the BME organized a monumental conference titled The Law on VET becomes 25 years old – Epochal changes – new directions in Budapest at the BME. After the plenary sessions, five panels were held – I was the moderator of the one titled: The socio-economic environment of the first VET act in an international dimension, and I held a short lecture here with a similar title. 


1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-172
Author(s):  
M. N. Semyakin ◽  
A. V. Gubareva ◽  
S. P. Stepkin

The subject of the study is a phenomenon of an “entropy” of property, its interpretation, socio-economic conditionality, genesis of its development in European and Russian doctrine, reflection of a construct of “separated” property in the legislation. “Entropy” of property is a situation when both entities are owners, but in different areas of relations: the first person is the owner in relation to third parties, and the second-in relation to the first The goal of this scientific research is to find out reasons of the existence of phenomenon of “entropy of property” in European and Russian legal doctrines, to identify common and specific features of this phenomenon. Methodology. The authors use the general scientific method, including dialectics, comparative analysis, formal logic, historical method. A number of specific methods pertaining to the legal science were used as well: the formal dogmatic method was applied for analysis of ownership within the institute of property rights; the logical legal method was applied to study general tendencies of development of the institute of property rights; the legal comparative method was used to study European and Russian legislation on ownership and other property rights. The main scientific results. The Western legal doctrine of “entropy of property” has quite a long history of development, unlike the Russian. Specific features of the Russian doctrine are result of its historical, political and cultural characteristics. The phenomenon of “entropy of property” has both positive and negative consequences, which requires pluralistic approach to its assessment. “Reunification” of ownership rights on the land plot and other objects located on it, is a result of socio-economic and legal factors and deserves positive assessment. Property rights as elements of titular possession are not based only on law, but may be created by contract as well. Conclusions. The European and Russian legal doctrines on the “entropy of property” have both common and specific features. The common features are: existence of “absolute” ownership, limited property rights, trends of reunification of “separated” property etc. The specific features are: absence of “trust” in the Russian legal system; excessive fragmentation of right of ownership as a large “bundle” of rights; absence of situations when one person may simultaneously hold statuses of owner and holder of a limited property right in the Russian legislation.


Author(s):  
Jens Wolling ◽  
Dorothee Arlt

The annual climate summits (Conferences of the Parties, or COPs) are major political events that receive considerable media attention. In this way, the topic of climate change returns regularly to both the media and the political agenda. It makes sense, therefore, that communication research regards COPs as occasion to investigating how the media cover climate change. Nevertheless, this strategy has two shortcomings: On the one hand the focus on the conferences might provide a distorted picture—because of the political character of the conferences, the role of political actors and policy-related frames might be overestimated. On the other hand, the political character of the conferences is not always considered appropriately. Most research is mainly interested in the coverage on climate change in the context of the conferences and not in the political discussions taking place at the summits. Future research should address these discussions more intensively, giving more attention especially to the debates in the various online media.


1966 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Shepherd

The question of national unity for the new states of Africa stands at the centre of their political problems. Progress in a variety offields is blocked until they are able to resolve internally the constitutional question of loyalty to a new system of authority which was conceived under colonialism and made a reality through nationalist drives for independence. Africa, more than any other continent, is troubled by the divisions between ethnic, racial, and religious groups who found temporary consensus in the struggle against the common colonial enemy, but who, having achieved independence, find the principle of self-determination now internally a divisive force against a unified national polity and purpose.According to James Coleman and Carl Rosberg, ‘Just as the one-party trend is the most striking feature of the political structure of new African states, so the problems of integration are the major issues and obstacles in the task of nation-building, which is itself the primary preoccupation of the leadership of the new states.’


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Tomasz Bojarowicz ◽  

The aim of the study is to compare the institutional solutions and practical activities of the government and local government administration in two periods: the Second and the Third Republic of Poland. Because of the need to refer to the documents from the period of the Second Republic of Poland, it was necessary to refer to the historical method. The study is based on the comparison of two orders from different periods, therefore it was necessary to use the comparative method for the purpose of the analysis conducted. In the study also a system approach was applied to the analysis of institutional solutions. Decentralist and centralist concepts clashed both in the period of the Second Republic of Poland and during the political transformation. The beginnings of the political change were characterised by the predominance of naturalist tendencies, while in the further stages of the development of the Polish state there were growing tendencies to increase the omnipotence of the state.


1914 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230
Author(s):  
Ephraim Emerton

The decade just passed has witnessed an unusual activity in the production of books about Martin Luther. This activity has been greatly stimulated by the re-introduction of a method of controversy which reasonable men had been hoping was forever silenced. Until about a generation ago there had been two obvious and hopelessly opposed ways of approach to the subject of Luther's character and work. From the one side he was presented as an angel of light; from the other as the type of a depraved and malicious spirit, moved to activity not through any desire to improve the condition of his people but because, being the malignant thing he was, he could not act otherwise. It need hardly be said to the readers of this Review that both of these views of Luther are essentially false. They are perfectly intelligible, one equally with the other. They are the natural precipitation of the bitter controversies that gathered about him in his life, and continued long after his death to complicate the political and economic struggles out of which the new Europe of our day was born. In the light of our modern historical method, both views appear crude and unscientific. They represent a way of looking at historical characters and historical events to which we are apt to apply the crushing word “old-fashioned.” And in fact it did seem, up to a very few years ago, that these primitive judgments, which classified men into good and bad, angels and fiends, had become a thing of the past.


Author(s):  
Володимир Шатіло

The purpose of this work is to define the concept of functions of the state power constitutional mechanism through the study of doctrinal positions of function in various branches of social sciences. Methodology for the functions’ study of the state power constitutional mechanism consists of the methods of cognition, discovered and developed by philosophy, history, sociology, theory of law and state, specialized legal sciences and approved by legal practice. Thus, the role of the historical method in the analysis of the functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power, in addition to explaining the nature of origin and development, is to ensure a systematic study of the evolution of this category. The semantic method was used to clarify the meaning of the term “function”, its scientific and practical meaning, the possibility of using it in constitutional law to refer to such legal categories as “constitutional mechanism of state power”. The comparative method was applied to reveal the general in such terms as “functions”, “goals” and “tasks”. The results of the study show that the function is a kind of “a pattern”, “a standard”, “an ideal model” of the system’s work, in particular, of the constitutional mechanism of state power, and therefore, it must be, on the one hand, differentiated from the goals and tasks that face the system, and on the other hand – from the real, actual activity of its institutions (competences). When determining the functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power, it must be assumed that, firstly, the functions are the directions of influence of a certain socially significant phenomenon or circumstance on certain legal relations, and secondly, the functions are the activity of certain subjects of the constitutional mechanism of state power within the limits of the powers specified in the Constitution and laws; thirdly, functions reflect the essence of the phenomenon, its purpose and patterns of development. The theory of functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power should proceed from the social purpose of the state, its tasks and goals, the legislation of Ukraine, as well as the experience of practical activity of the state apparatus and the achievement of scientific opinion in the field of constitutional law and a number of theoretical and applied legal sciences. Actually the system of functions of the state determines the need to study the functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power, but if the functions of the state are the directions of influence on public relations, then the functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power are the directions of the state functions within the competence of individual institutions that make up the structure of the constitutional mechanism of the state power. On the basis of this research, the author comes to the conclusion that the functions of the constitutional mechanism of state power should be defined as the directions of activity of the subjects of the constitutional mechanism of state power within the competence defined in the Constitution and laws aimed at achieving the goals and tasks of the state.


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