scholarly journals PEMIKIRAN POLITIK NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI: STUDI KASUS DINASTI UMAYYAH

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfin Falah Fahrezy ◽  
Rizal Al Hamid

The Umayyad dynasty was an Islamic caliphate regime after the khulafa urrasydin which managed to maintain its power for 90 years before being overthrown by the Abbasids. This dynasty is famous for its political stability from the beginning of his reign to a systematized public administration and military. Nevertheless, this dynasty raised pros and cons in terms of morality which were considered to deviate from Islamic teachings at least during the political revolution and post-Caliph Mu'awiyah. The author tries to examine the practice of such government using the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in which there are also thoughts about the ethics of power. This study tries to answer several questions, namely what is the ideal government practice in the book "Il Principe" by Niccolo Machiavelli? and whether the practice of Umayyad dynasty government can be said to be ideal in terms of administration and ethics of power in Machiavelli's perspective? This research is a qualitative research with primary sources in the form of historical literature about the Umayyad Dynasty and the books by Machiavelli mainly on "Il Principe". This study shows that in making political policies, for the sake of government stability, moral values do not need to be considered except in a pragmatic context. The stability of the state is also influenced by the ability and luck of the leader in managing the government. This study shows that the practice of the Umayyad dynasty has a correlation with the main goal of Machiavelli's political theory, namely state stability.

2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-53
Author(s):  
Robert D. Denham

This essay seeks to answer the questions, how can we explain the numerous references in Frye’s notebooks and elsewhere to the political theory in Machiavelli’s The Prince? What in Machiavelli’s thought did Frye believe deserved our attention, and why? Toward this end the essay examines the Renaissance idea of the Machiavellian villain, the concept of virtù, and the idea of hypocrisy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venera Nauryzova

The article states that the future of Kazakhstan is always directly linked to peace between peoples and an important element of the political system of our state is to ensure strict observance of the rights and freedoms of citizens regardless of nationality, uniting the interests of all nationalities. This means that political stability and social harmony play a special role in the development of our country and the strengthening of our relations with foreign countries. This is one of the fundamental principles of our state - stability, which allows the political system to maintain its structure and effectively live in the face of various internal and external changes. It is characterized by its contribution to the rapid development of the economy, stable growth in the welfare of the population, and the legitimacy and democracy of the political system. Political stability is not a consideration of the sustainable development of the state's political system based on strict principles, but rather the consideration of socio-economic, political changes and the development of society as a stabilizing factor in the socio-political environment. The main thing in political stability is to ensure the legitimacy, transparency, effectiveness of the government, stability of the observed norms and values of political culture, and order in political relations. For the state of Kazakhstan, the main issues are the stability of society, the consolidation of the state, the consolidation of society, and ensuring political stability


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.


1956 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 75-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. H. Hexter

Somewhere between 1510 and 1520, Niccolò Machiavelli composed the Discorsi sopra la Prima Deca di Tito Livio. The second chapter of that work contains what for Machiavelli is a rather elaborate theoretical disquisition. It deals with such arcane matters as the origin of civil polities, the beginnings of law, the forms of political rule, and the succession that those forms naturally follow in their historical sequence. Never before and never again did Machiavelli concern himself in so concentrated a way with the higher and more ghostly issues of political theory. Never before and never again was Machiavelli literally so un-Machiavellian. In Chapter 2 of Book I of the Discorsi he was literally un-Machiavellian in the simple sense that he cribbed most of that chapter without acknowledgement from another writer. In so doing he initiated a minor literary mystery—the Mystery of the Missing Translation or the Puzzle of Polybius vi.


Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
Zhang Yanbing ◽  
Zeng Zhimin

Abstract This paper argues that the Wukan Incident reflects the common difficulties faced at the state-society level by contemporary China as the country finds itself experiencing both an important strategic chapter in its development, and a period during which social problems are coming to the fore. As such, the task of developing an understanding of the Wukan Incident offers the chance to draw crucial lessons about China’s future political and economic development. Firstly, the modernization development model, according to which economic growth and development take precedence above all else, has already led to a building up of serious social problems. China’s future development efforts must draw on and put into practice the theories of the Scientific Outlook on Development. Secondly, the demands made by the villagers of Wukan could feasibly become political and economic problems common throughout the whole country. This includes issues such as how state-owned assets and land are dealt with; transparency of public finances; and safeguards for the democratic rights and interests of Chinese citizens. The government must face these difficulties and use reforms to tackle each of them. Should it fail to do so, these issues could spark a serious social crisis or even affect the stability of the political order. Thirdly, the current mechanisms by which the Party and the government respond to the public’s interest-related claims require urgent improvement. Finally, there is no magic pill to solve the political and economic problems faced in China today. Elections are certainly not a magic solution.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Purushotam Marattha

The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since that period Nepal has formally entered into a Federal Republican Nation. The new constitution has covered all the achievements of Second People's Movement (SPM).Since then the federal republican constitution has been completely setup in Nepal. This constitution has institutionalized the federal democratic republican setup and it has opened the rooms for amendment, where as the constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990 was not amended even a single article for the last many years. Writing the constitution through the CA was a great achievement of Nepal. During the constitution declaration period major political forces like Big-3 NC, CPNUML and UCPNM showed their highest degree of Unity. The new constitution was passed by more than two thirds majority in the CA. But the Conflict about the number of States (Pradesh) is hampering the stability of the present new constitution. The dissolved CA-2 has not been able to settle all the political conflicts. The on going Madhes agitation deepen into the another constitutional crisis. Tarai based parties like Samyukta LoktantrikMadhesi Morcha (SLMM), an alliance of four parties has joined the parliamentary process. Earlier SLMM has obstructed and paralyzed border area with an unseen support of southern neighbor. Daily general strike of SLMM and closure of industries at border points has led to soft state syndrome in Nepal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Shamaila Amir ◽  
Fayyaz Ahmad

The paper attempts to study constitutional development in Pakistan in relation to the political instability or stability of the country. Analysis of the secondary data qualitatively revealed that the country suffered much due to political instability which was a result of the non-development and non-availability of the constitution. As the constitution provides a set of rules for people of a state who agree to live together and it is the basic set of principles through which a state is governed, the newly established state of Pakistan initially adopted the 1935 India Act to run the affairs. The process to frame a fresh constitution started after the transitory of Objectives Resolution in 1949 while Islamic and democratic values were considered as foundations to formulate a constitution for Pakistan. Three constitutions in 1956, 1962, and 1973 were framed in order to maintain political stability and to govern the state. Pakistan in its 72 years of age was governed by 49 Heads of State or Heads of Department including five military dictators (Naz, 2019). Only during the early eleven years, twelve Heads of State or Heads of Departments administered the oath to run the government. Two Prime Ministers were assassinated and one was hanged while two sitting Prime Ministers were declared disqualified by the court. East Pakistan was separated due to political instability and eight times constitutional assemblies were dissolved (Obaidullah, 2020). Several times, the Constitutions were abrogated or suspended and federalism was lacking in the country that also resulted in political instability. It is only since the last decade, political stability is emerging due to prevailing, implementing, development, and intactness of the Constitution.


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