scholarly journals Constitutional Development and Political (in) stability of Pakistan: An Analysis Since Inception of Pakistan till 2018

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Shamaila Amir ◽  
Fayyaz Ahmad

The paper attempts to study constitutional development in Pakistan in relation to the political instability or stability of the country. Analysis of the secondary data qualitatively revealed that the country suffered much due to political instability which was a result of the non-development and non-availability of the constitution. As the constitution provides a set of rules for people of a state who agree to live together and it is the basic set of principles through which a state is governed, the newly established state of Pakistan initially adopted the 1935 India Act to run the affairs. The process to frame a fresh constitution started after the transitory of Objectives Resolution in 1949 while Islamic and democratic values were considered as foundations to formulate a constitution for Pakistan. Three constitutions in 1956, 1962, and 1973 were framed in order to maintain political stability and to govern the state. Pakistan in its 72 years of age was governed by 49 Heads of State or Heads of Department including five military dictators (Naz, 2019). Only during the early eleven years, twelve Heads of State or Heads of Departments administered the oath to run the government. Two Prime Ministers were assassinated and one was hanged while two sitting Prime Ministers were declared disqualified by the court. East Pakistan was separated due to political instability and eight times constitutional assemblies were dissolved (Obaidullah, 2020). Several times, the Constitutions were abrogated or suspended and federalism was lacking in the country that also resulted in political instability. It is only since the last decade, political stability is emerging due to prevailing, implementing, development, and intactness of the Constitution.

Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lusia Handayani ◽  
Munawar K. Nahrawi

<p>Food is the fundamental right of every human being. Communities or nations that are not satisfied with food sufficiency will have the potential to cause economic instability and even to bring down a government. Dependence on rice as a staple food can threaten economic and political stability when food is not adequately covered. One alternative that can be made to avoid the threat is to switch to other carbohydrates-based foods that grow in Indonesia, including sweet potato, cassava, arrowroot, and ganyong. However, those local food variety is still considered as second-class food, due to the persistence to rice-eating culture. Therefore, there is a necessity to create a local food campaign on internet media. The Internet is now growing into a medium capable to reach all kinds of people in a quick and precise manner. This descriptive study uses secondary data such as books and journals related to state defense and food security. The study finds that the use of internet as a medium for local food campaign to the community has not been implemented optimally, both by the government and non-government. In line with the rapid development of the internet and the importance of defending the country in all aspects, local food campaigns through internet media require the participation of all stakeholders.</p><p align="left"> </p><strong>Keywords</strong>: defending of the state, local food campaign, internet


Author(s):  
Matundura Erickson ◽  

The government has attempted to target specific macroeconomic factors in order to stimulate economic growth in Kenya through monetary and fiscal policies. Despite these efforts, Kenya's GDP growth is hampered by high interest rates and high interest rate volatility. Kenya's ability to address macroeconomic instability hinges on its ability to increase economic growth. Auxiliary evidence shows that perspectives on the relationship between ICT and economic growth are segmented. The goal of this study was to determine the impact of ICT on economic growth in Kenya, as well as the moderating effect of political instability on the relationship. The research was based on Solow's theory of growth. An explanatory research design was used, with data spanning from 1990-2020 obtained from Kenya Bureau of Statistics. In the empirical analysis, the study used the bound test to test for a long-run relationship and the Autoregressive Distributed Lag model (ARDL) to evaluate the relationship between the variables. The data was subjected to an Augmented Dickey Fuller (ADF) test to determine stationarity.The long run ARDL results indicated that the coefficients of; ICT rate were insignificant . However with the introduction of political instability as the moderator ICT was significant and positively affected economic growth. Political instability moderated the relationship between ICT ( and economic growth. As a result, promoting effective governance should help to improve political stability. The findings of this study will help the government figure out how to address the problem of low economic growth. According to the study, the government should invest in the ICT sector to improve its accessibility and affordability. Additionally, the government should work to improve political stability and good governance by gradually establishing institutions that uphold the rule of law and provide security.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.


Subject Government-business relations. Significance President Evo Morales’s government has established a collaborative working relationship with the country’s most powerful business elites that belies its leftist rhetoric. This is based on an understanding that while government offers large corporate interests favourable economic conditions, business groups will refrain from conspiring against the government in the political sphere. Thus, the government has managed to minimise the sort of pro-regional tensions that characterised its first term in office (2006-10), driving a wedge between economic and political elites. Impacts The economic policies pursued by the Morales administration will continue to prove, broadly, good for business. Smaller-scale businesses have been less beneficially treated, but lack political lobbying power. Avoidance of strife with the more powerful business groups will continue to help underpin political stability.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-111
Author(s):  
Julizar Idris ◽  
Abdul Hakim ◽  
Sarwono Sarwono ◽  
Bambang Santoso Haryono

Abstract Public policy formulation as a political process is a dynamic formulation of policies involving many actors, ranging from the executive, legislative, academic, to non-governmental organizations. The purpose of this study was to find out the political process of drafting the Oil and Gas Law and determine the model for the formulation of the Oil and Gas Law in the Republic of Indonesia’s House of Representatives. This research method uses a qualitative approach, through observation, in-interview techniques and documentation of secondary data in the process of collecting data. Data analysis using the Interactive Model method by Miles & Huberman's. The results of the study indicate that the political process of drafting the Constitution of Oil and Gas takes place in the following stages: planning, drafting and discussion. Politically, the planning of the Constitution of Oil and Gas comes from several sources: (1) the bill from the President; (2) the bill from the House of Representatives; and (3) the bill from the Regional Representative Council. The long political process in the public policy formulation in the House of Representatives starts from the process of inventorying input from factions, commissions, and the public to be determined as a Legislative Body decision, then the decision is to be consulted with the Government; afterwards, the results of the consultation are reported to the Plenary Session to make the decision.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-194
Author(s):  
Atika Shafinaz Nazri ◽  
Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid ◽  
Zaliha Harun ◽  
Ahmad Nidzammuddin Sulaiman

COVID-19 pandemic is now a global crisis, with the number of known cases climbing daily and millions of people stranded at home. As countries toil to preserve the lives of their people, economies are grinding to a halt. At that dismal time, Malaysia is going through a vast political crisis with a new leader, and several states have new governments. In this vein, the present study aims at shedding how Malaysian responses to the COVID-19 pandemic? This study adopted a qualitative approach by using the secondary data collected from the journal, the official website of the government sector, NGOs, authorized bodies, and newspapers. Our finding shows although Malaysia had COVID-19 during the political crisis, a new ruling party is competent to manage the issue accordingly with the Ministry of Health and the National Security Council plays a vital role in the management of the pandemic. The government has taken various kinds of measures to ensure the pandemic to be reduced, and economic recession could be minimizing that benefit Malaysian and non-citizenship notably to vulnerable with the amalgamate by numerous NGOs.


Significance Economic weakness plus popular resentment of an elite seen as corrupt creates potential for mass demonstrations by pro- and anti-EU factions. Russia's importance as an economic partner is waning but it retains substantial influence through sympathetic political parties. A presidential election this October will be coloured by the unresolved bank fraud scandal, which has created a gulf between the political establishment and the electorate. Impacts Mainstream politicians will be find it hard to shake off perceived links to corruption. Prominent figures, whether oligarchs or pro-Russian politicians, may therefore avoid standing as presidential candidates. Lack of systemic reforms is a constraint on Moldova's ability to engage with EU economies. Domestic turmoil makes the government less likely to challenge Transnistria, which will remain a conduit for Russian pressure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Angus McNelly

By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas.


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