scholarly journals The Role of Public Authorities During Mobilization

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-247
Author(s):  
Alexandru Stoian
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Global Context ◽  
National Values ◽  
High Level ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Abstract Imposed by states in order to defend its own territory and national values during the time of crisis, mobilization of armed forces in a contemporary global context creates new challenges for the public authorities, designers of the national legal framework and for the military authorities. In this regard, extraordinary measures can be taken in political, economic, social, administrative, diplomatic, legal and military fields, planned and prepared in peacetime. The Romanian National Defense System consists of the forces intended for defense, the resources of the national defense and the territorial infrastructure and provides a stable foundation for all types of actions related to mobilization, as long as the procedures involved are implemented at a high level of efficiency

Honduras: All-Purpose Militarization

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Mani
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Civic Action ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

The Honduran military has a long history of established roles oriented toward both external defense and internal security and civic action. Since the end of military rule in 1982, the military has remained a key political, economic, and social actor. Politically, the military retains a constitutional mandate as guarantor of the political system and enforcer of electoral rules. Economically, its officers direct state enterprises and manage a massive pension fund obscured from public audit. Socially, the military takes on numerous civic action tasks—building infrastructure, conserving forests, providing healthcare, and policing crime—that make the state appear to be useful to its people and bring the military into direct contact with the public almost daily. As a result, the military has ranked high in public trust in comparison with other institutions of the state. Most significantly, the military has retained the role of arbiter in the Honduran political system. This became brutally clear in the coup of 2009 that removed the elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Although new rules enhancing civilian control of the military had been instituted during the 1990s, the military’s authority in politics was restored through the coup that ousted Zelaya. As no civilian politician can succeed without support for and from the military, the missions of the armed forces have expanded substantially so that the military is an “all-purpose” institution within a remarkably weak and increasingly corrupt state.

scholarly journals CORRUPTION IN THE SYSTEM OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY OF UKRAINE: CURRENT STATUS AND TRANSFORMATION

2021 ◽  
pp. 438-451
Author(s):  
A. Kofanov ◽  
N. Pavlovska ◽  
M. Kulyk ◽  
Yu. Tereshchenko ◽  
H. Strilets
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Information Exchange ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Current Status ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
High Level

The article deals with a number of issues of investigation and prevention of corruption crimes in the field of public administration. The purpose of this paper is to analyze challenges in investigating and preventing corruption crimes in the field of public administration. The relevance of this study lies in the fact that the variety of forms of bribery, its penetration into various spheres of activity: economic, financial, entrepreneurial, educational, requires new ways to prevent and counteract these criminal manifestations, the creation of pragmatic recommendations aimed at improving their prevention and investigation. The study was carried out based on the method of system analysis and generalization of information obtained in the course of the study, questionnaires of different categories of law enforcement officers. They conduct pre-trial investigation of these crimes, as well as reports of the Expert Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, the National Police of Ukraine, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, and Forensic Science Institutes of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine for 2016-2019, the legal framework on liability for corruption offenses. The most relevant motives and methods of committing corruption crimes have been analyzed and it has been established that bribery and corruption rank first among economic crimes, and the high level of corruption of state bodies in various spheres of public life contributes to the increase in the number of such crimes. The study found that civil servants through abuse of office, as well as obtaining undue benefits predominantly commit corruption crimes. The ways of improving the forms of combating corruption in public authorities are proposed, which will reduce the level of corruption in the public administration system, in particular, the implementation of measures aimed at enhancing information exchange between non-governmental organizations, the media, the public and local authorities, and public authorities.

Economic Growth and Defence Spending: An Efficiency Analysis of Romania’s Conscription Suspension

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-51
Author(s):  
Alin Teodor Huseraș ◽  
Andrei Ciprian Spînu
Keyword(s):  
Graphical Analysis ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Effective Management ◽  
External Funding ◽  
The Public ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
Key Sectors ◽  
The Military ◽  
Theoretical Issues

AbstractNational defense is one of the key sectors responsible for maintaining national security, being considered at the same time an element of great importance and strict necessity of the public sector. The performance of defense functions and missions are closely linked to the military capabilities of this sector, which in turn depend on the budget for defense spending. This paper deals with some theoretical issues in the economic field of defense, regarding the size of defense spending in GDP and their social effects. It is also trying to carry out an analysis on the efficiency versus inefficiency in the use of defense resources, to finance the two types of recruitment systems, namely: by conscription or voluntary will. In order to be able to achieve the above, graphical analysis methods and calculation dermination method were used. The efficiency of spending public funds depends on both objective factors such as: distribution of a certain share of GDP to a certain area; attracting internal and external funding, as well as subjective factors, like: allocating resources to certain categories of expenses; allocating resources to certain defense programs; effective management of these resources by the competent structures. Therefore, for a program to be considered effective, it must meet the requirements of the collective needs of society, be rationally implemented and be sustainable.

Doctors Playing Gods? The Legal Challenges in Regulating the Experimental Stage of Cybernetic Human Enhancement

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Thibaut Moulin
Keyword(s):  
New Technologies ◽  
Human Enhancement ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Prisoners Of War ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Medical Progress ◽  
Unique Nature ◽  
The Military

The emergence of new technologies might challenge our assumptions about biomedical research: medical progress may not only cure but enhance human capacities. In particular, the emergence of brain-machine interfaces will admittedly allow disabled people to move or communicate again, but also has various military applications, such as remote control of drones and avatars. Although there is no express legal framework pertaining to the experimental phase of human enhancement techniques, they are actually constrained by international law. According to international humanitarian law, civilians and prisoners of war may be subjected to experiments only when required by their state of health or for medical treatment. According to international human rights law, experimentations are permissible when they meet two conditions: (i) free consent, and (ii) proportionality (that is, the adequacy of risk and benefit). In light of these conditions, this article assesses the situations in which experimentation involving brain-computer interfaces would be lawful. It also gives specific attention to those experimentations carried out on members of the armed forces. In fact, owing to the military hierarchy and the unique nature of its mission (to protect national security at the risk of their own lives), it is necessary to determine how the military may comply with this legal framework.

Rwanda: Civil–Military Relations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Jowell
Keyword(s):  
Central Africa ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Mass Violence ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Practical Experiences ◽  
The One ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

The army has been a central part of Rwanda’s political system from the precolonial period until the early 21st century and is intrinsically part of the construction and politics of the state. Civil–military relations in Rwanda demonstrate not only the central features of transitioning a rebel group to a national defense sector but also how some states construct their armed forces after a period of mass violence. Since the civil war and genocide in the early 1990s, the Rwandan military has been the primary actor in politics, the economy, and state building as well as in regional wars in central Africa and the Great Lakes region. Practical experiences of guerrilla insurgency and conflict in Uganda and Rwanda, postconflict military integration, and the intertwining of political and economic agendas with the ruling party have shaped civil–military relations in Rwanda and have been central to how the Rwandan defense sector functions. Contemporary Rwandan civil–military relations center around the two elements of service delivery and control, which has resulted in the development of an effective and technocratic military in terms of remit and responsibilities on the one hand, and the creation of a politicized force of coercion on the other hand. The military in Rwanda therefore reflects the pressures and dynamics of the wider state and cannot be separated from it. The Rwandan army is thus a “political army” and is part and parcel of the political structures that oversee and govern the Rwandan state.

scholarly journals La protección de la lengua castellana en el marco del multiparlamentarismo autonómico: el acceso a la información pública en español en la web oficial de los Parlamentos autonómicos // The protection of the Spanish language in the framework of the regional parliaments: the access in Spanish to the public information on their official websites

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (102) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Ainhoa Uribe Otalora
Keyword(s):  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Public Access ◽  
Official Language ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Estudio De Caso

Resumen:La Constitución española establece en su artículo 3 que el castellano es la lengua oficial del Estado, al tiempo que reconoce la existencia de un plurilingüismo. Sin embargo, existen territorios donde los ciudadanos se enfrentan a una situación desigual a la hora de emplear el castellano como lengua vehicular. Esta situación es aún más grave si la desigualdad procede de los poderes públicos. El artículo es un estudio de caso del acceso a la información pública en lengua castellana, no en vano, junto al mandato del artículo 3 CE, el artículo 9 CE obliga a los poderes públicos a publicar las normas (lo que supone publicarlas también en español), al tiempo que el principio de publicidad se vio reforzado por la aprobación de la Ley 19/2013, de 9 de diciembre, de Transparencia, Acceso a la Información Pública y Buen Gobierno, y por las respectivas leyes de transparencia autonómicas, que regulan el acceso de los ciudadanos a la información pública. Dicho acceso a la documentación de carácter público debe hacerse, por ende, en la lengua oficial del país, así como en las lenguas cooficiales en sus respectivos territorios. Por ello, el artículo analiza el mayor o menor grado de acceso en lengua castellana a los documentos que publican ensu página web los distintos parlamentos autonómicos, sean de naturaleza legal, política, económica o de otro tipo. En consecuencia, aquí se realiza un estudio de caso centrado en las seis Cámaras autonómicas con lenguas cooficiales, para verificar el grado de cumplimiento del artículo 3 CE, el artículo 9 CE, y el el artículo 12 de la Ley 19/2013, de 9 de diciembre, de transparencia, acceso a la información pública y buen gobierno. Son los siguientes: 1) El Parlamento Vasco (Eusko Legebiltzarra); 2) el Parlamento Navarro (Nafarroako Parlamentua); 3) el Parlamento Catalán (Parlament de Catalunya); 4) el Parlamento Valenciano (Corts Valencianes); 5) el Parlamento de Baleares (Parlament de les Illes Balears); y 6) el Parlamento Gallego (Parlamento de Galicia). El objetivo último de la presente investigación es abordar unas conclusiones que permitan fortalecer y hacer cumplir el mandato constitucional, así como permitir a los ciudadanos hacer uso de su lengua oficial.Summary:I. Introduction: Approach of the Study Object. II. Legal Approach to the question. 2.1. The article 3 of the Constitution: background and meaning. 2.2. The constitutional principles of multilinguism. 2.3. The regional legal framework of bilingualism 2.4. Jurisprudence on the Spanish language. 2.5. The right to get access to law and public information in Spanish language. III. The praxis of the regional parliaments in the compliance with the article 3CE, the art. 9 CE, and the art. 12 of the Act of Transparency. IV. Conclusions. V. Bibliography.Abstract:The Spanish Constitution establishes in the article 3 that the Spanish is the official language of the State. It also enshrines the existence of mutilinguism in the country. However, there are some territories where citizens face inequalities when using Spanish as their mother tongue. This situation is even harder if the inequalities come from public powers. The article focuses on the citizens’ access to public information in Spanish. In fact, not only the Spanish is the official language (art. 3 CE), but also the article 9 of the Constitution forces the public authorities to publish laws (which means also to publish them in Spanish), as well as the Act of Transparency, Access to Public Information and Good Government (Ley 19/2013) enables citizens to get access to public information (which means to access to the documents also in Spanish). Hence, the articleanalyses the level of public access in Spanish to the documents uploaded on the websites of the regional parliaments. Therefore, it is a case study focused on the six regional parliaments with more than one official language. They are the following ones: 1) The Basque Parliament (Eusko Legebiltzarra); 2) the Parliament of Navarra (Nafarroako Parlamentua); 3) the Parliament of Catalonia (Parlament de Catalunya); 4) the Valencian Parliament (Corts Valencianes); 5) the Parliament of the Balearic Islands (Parlament de les Illes Balears); and 6) the Galician Parliament (Parlamento de Galicia). It will study the level of compliance with the article 3 and 9 of the Constitution and the article 12 of the Act of Transparency, Access to Public Information and Good Government (Ley 19/2013). The aim of the article is to get to conclusions that enable the legislator to strengthen and force the compliance with the constitutional mandate, as well as to empower citizens to use the official language.

scholarly journals Organizational culture of the Public Service and features of its change

2019 ◽  
pp. 114-122
Author(s):  
Nataliіa Sorokina
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Culture ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Public Service ◽  
High Performance ◽  
Psychological Climate ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Level ◽  
Motivation To Work

The article is devoted to the study of organizational culture in public service. The essence of the concept of organizational culture is considered. It has been determined that organizational culture is an interdisciplinary phenomenon which concern several fields. Therefore, there is no single approach to understanding of this concept. It is indicated that organizational culture is a distinguishing feature of every organization and is a decisive factor in the success / the failure of the whole group. In the article, the author conducted a sociological survey among public servants. The purpose of the survey was to find out what major changes have occurred in the organizational culture of public service in recent years. Based on empirical data, it has been found that changes in organizational culture are very slow. Respondents noted that the majority of elements of organizational culture remained constant, such as: the culture of appearance; the individual independence and the responsibility; the interaction of members of the organization with each other; the physical and psychological comfort; the motivation to work. It is proved that a favorable socio-psychological climate in public authorities is very important. So, the high performance indicators of the authorities, the low staff turnover, the high level of labor discipline, and the absence of tension and conflicts in the group depend on it. The important elements of organizational culture, such as the motivation to work, the culture of appearance, the communication links both within the organization (between public servants) and outside (public relations) are analyzed. It is indicated that the leader plays a key role in communication. He must directly participate in the formation of a favorable moral and psychological climate in the group. It has been established that the process of changing organizational culture is quite complicated, requires time and effort, and high level of professionalism of leader. Changes very often cause discontent of the group, they are often perceived painfully. A strong organizational culture generates a positive image of the public service, which in is turn an important factor in raising confidence in public authorities. Therefore, it is necessary to continue to studied organizational culture, to monitor its formation, to improve and to regulate its changes.  

scholarly journals Comparative characteristics of power capabilities of cadets of various sports sections (armsport, crossfit, kettlebell lifting, powerlifting)

2020 ◽  
pp. 115-118
Author(s):  
V. P. Yahodzinskyi ◽  
O. M. Kisilyuk ◽  
D. P. Polozenko ◽  
O. A. Desyatka ◽  
V. O. Novytskyi ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Intelligence ◽  
Military Academy ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Military ◽  
Better Than ◽  
Push Up

Power sports have always been very popular among servicemen. This is especially evident in recent times, when such power sports, as armsport, crossfit, kettlebell lifting, powerlifting have received some development. The article presents a comparative analysis of the power capabilities of cadets who specialize in various power sports. The study involved male cadets of the 4th year of various faculties (n=53) of the Military Academy (Odessa), who in the process of training were engaged in power sports: armsport (n=12), crossfit (n=16), kettlebell lifting (n=15), powerlifting (n = 10). In addition, the results of cadets-athletes were compared with the results of cadets of the faculty of training specialists of airborne assault troops and military intelligence and special purpose, who did not attend sports sections of the academy (n=60). Analysis of the power of the cadets was carried out on the following exercises: pull-up, lifting by coup, lifting by strength on the crossbar, 24 kg kettlebell snatch, push-up on the parallel bars, push-up. The conducted researches testified to the high level of development of power qualities of cadets of all sections of academy in power sports. There was no significant difference between the results of cadets of different power sports in most exercises. It is established that the power capabilities of cadets who are engaged in various power sports are significantly better than those of cadets who are not engaged in sports. This suggests that any of the studied power sports can be an effective means of developing and improving the power opportunities of future officers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine

Ecuador: Military Autonomy Under Democratic Rule

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maiah Jaskoski
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The North ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
The Military

Under Ecuador’s “third wave” democracy that began in 1979, the armed forces have exhibited considerable autonomy vis-à-vis civilians in government, as measured by (a) military intervention in politics and (b) the armed forces’ spread into internal security. Perhaps most noteworthy, military participation in politics and internal security increased significantly during the second half of the 1990s, in a permissive environment: as a result of their rule in the 1970s, the armed forces enjoyed a positive reputation within society as an institution capable of getting things done, without committing human rights abuses. Within that context, a traumatic military role crisis prompted the armed forces to expand their political and internal security roles. The armed forces lost their traditional mission of defending Ecuador’s southern border against Peru in the late 1990s, due to the resolution of that border dispute. In its search for institutional justification, the military proactively intensified its participation in politics and internal security. That extensive internal security work not only served as an indicator of military autonomy vis-à-vis civilians but it also made the armed forces ineffective and unreliable in responding to the civilian government’s basic national defense requirements, as evinced by the military’s response to a new sovereignty threat. When Colombian guerrilla crossings into northern Ecuador became a salient border threat in the 2000s, the armed forces focused on internal security in the north and not border defense.

scholarly journals The Chilean Military after Antuco: Shortcomings of a Post-Secular Discourse

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Cristobal Bellolio
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Pluralism ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Institutional Arrangements ◽  
Local Version ◽  
Liberal Neutrality ◽  
The Public ◽  
Catholic Faith ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Military

In their two hundred years of existence, the Chilean armed forces have had a close relationship with the Catholic faith, especially with a local version of the Virgin Mary (Virgen del Carmen), who is held as the patroness of the military. After its greatest tragedy in peacetime, when 44 soldiers—half of them Christian evangelicals—died buried in the snows of the Antuco volcano, the army and other branches of the military felt compelled to add Protestant chaplaincies to their repertoire of religious assistance, hitherto reserved for Catholics. This has been understood as a move towards a more egalitarian and inclusive understanding of religious freedom, but also as opposing exclusivist versions of liberal neutrality, in which the state fulfils its duty by taking religion out of the public sphere altogether. According to the times’ intellectual climate, the Chilean authorities have been framing these developments—not only in the military, but elsewhere—as the embodiment of a post-secular strategy, in which religion (all religion) should be welcomed back into public life and state institutions. This article presents five concerns with this chosen strategy: (a) whether inclusive secularism is a practical impossibility, since there is no way to accommodate all religious and non-religious expressions; (b) whether a post-secular narrative is adequate for states that that have not gone through the previous (secular) phase; (c) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are adequate in countries without religious pluralism; (d) whether post-secular institutional arrangements—which entail welcoming religion in the public sphere—are not actually disparaging for non-religious people; (e) whether sponsored religious expressions and practices within public institutions put undue pressure on dissenters. This way, I offer the case of the Chilean armed forces as a proxy to illuminate the normative problems that an incipient process of growing religious pluralism and a move towards religious egalitarianism, framed as a post-secular discourse, faces in hegemonically Catholic countries.

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