scholarly journals Karl Czoernig and the State Statistics of the Habsburg Monarchy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prokop Závodský
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy

The Legal Framework for Foundations in the Habsburg Monarchy from 1750 to 1918

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-172
Author(s):  
Gabriele Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Public Good ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The Public ◽  
Regulation And Supervision ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Law

Foundations, as permanent funds established by a certain legal act, can serve manifold purposes, but often pursue charitable goals. As such, they play an important role for the public good. Therefore, states always had an interest in fostering foundations by providing a pertinent legal framework. In Austria, this topic has not yet been the focus of scholarship. Through this study some light is shed on the implementation of the law on foundations in the Habsburg Monarchy. It focuses on the role of the state and its legal system regarding the regulation and supervision of foundations from 1750 to 1918. This period is characterized by the sovereigns’ endeavor to regulate the position of foundations via extensive legislation. In particular, a system of oversight for foundations was created in order to guarantee the attainment of their charitable goals. In fact, this system prevailed until the end of the 20thcentury.

Colonizing the Hungarian and German Border Areas during the Czechoslovak Land Reform. 1918-1938

2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 303-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel E. Miller
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Border Areas ◽  
The Creation

With the creation of the Czechoslovak First Republic in October 1918, politicians began debating the fate of the great estates the new country had inherited from the Habsburg monarchy, and within six months, the National Assembly enacted a sweeping land reform. With some of the land, the state sponsored colonies—new or expanded agricultural settlements. The announced purpose of the colonization program was to relieve land hunger, which was a genuine concern. Equally important in the minds of many who administered the program and participated in it, however, was altering the ethnic composition of the border areas, where most of the colonies were located.

The Political-Geographic Bases of the Austrian Nationality Problem

1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
George W. Hoffman
Keyword(s):  
Political Geography ◽  
Critical Evaluation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Geographic Structure ◽  
External Forces ◽  
And Function ◽  
Different Characteristics

The breakup of the Habsburg monarchy was perhaps the most exceptional change made in the political geography of the European world of our times. It would be too much to say that the shot fired at Sarajevo destroyed the Austro-Hungarian empire. But it is hardly an exaggeration to suggest that the young assassin was a living embodiment of the principle of nationalism in the South Slavic lands and that the shot which he fired was a deliberate blow at the political-geographic structure of the Habsburg monarchy. Those competent to discuss the question are almost unanimous in their verdict: the dissolution of the empire was brought on by a combination of external forces and an internal disintegration. The internal disintegration actually impelled the state to expose itself to the external forces. The works of scholars from many countries and disciplines2who have carefullyanalyzed the structure and function of the Habsburg empire have been scrutinized with the view of studying the regions which formed this empire, their different characteristics and associations, and their connections with each other and to the state in order to ascertain to what extent the area of the empire constituted a state in the modern sense and to note any weaknesses in its morphology and physiology that helped to account for its collapse. The contribution of political geography to this critical evaluation of nationalism as a disintegrating force of the Habsburg empire lies in an analysis of the major problems of the internal situation of that empire.

Cameralism in the Habsburg Monarchy and Hungary

2021 ◽  
pp. 551-569
Author(s):  
Antal Szántay
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
System Integration ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Administrative Reforms ◽  
State Economy ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Joseph Ii

The article argues that Cameralism and the Habsburg Monarchy were in strong mutual interchange during the eighteenth century. After the Great Turkish War and the War of the Spanish Succession, the Habsburg Monarchy had to incorporate vast territories into the monarchy’s governmental system. Integration, unification, and centralization were on the agenda. Viennese government circles relied on Cameralism as the leading theory of state, economy, and society, while Cameralism rose, broadened, and became institutionalized in administration and higher education. The most important works of late-seventeenth-century Cameralism were formulated in the service of Emperor Leopold I. Cameralism with different branches of knowledge serviceable for the state became fully institutionalized in the higher education in the Habsburg Monarchy—including Hungary. Cameralism, specifically the ideas of Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi, can be linked to the fundamental administrative reforms of Count Friedrich Wilhelm von Haugwitz under Maria Theresa in the 1740s and of Emperor Joseph II in the 1780s. Justi developed an idea of government characterized by centralization, uniformity, and bureaucracy, which became a priority goal of Joseph II’s reforms. Finally, Cameralism was the backbone of policies in finances, taxation, and trade regulations though more openminded toward rising economic ideas.

The Sociological Idea of the State: Legal Education, Austrian Multinationalism, and the Future of Continental Empire, 1880–1914

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-358
Author(s):  
Thomas R. Prendergast
Keyword(s):  
Science Curriculum ◽  
World Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Future ◽  
Social Scientific ◽  
The Stability

AbstractIf historians now recognize that the Habsburg Monarchy was developing into a strong, cohesive state in the decades before the First World War, they have yet to fully examine contemporaneous European debates about Austria's legitimacy and place in the future world order. As the intertwined fields of law and social science began during this period to elaborate a binary distinction between “modern” nation-states and “archaic” multinational “empires,” Austria, like other composite monarchies, found itself searching for a legally and scientifically valid justification for its continued existence. This article argues that Austrian sociology provided such a justification and was used to articulate a defense of the Habsburg Monarchy and other supposedly “abnormal” multinational states. While the birth of the social sciences is typically associated with Germany and France, a turn to sociology also occurred in the late Habsburg Monarchy, spurred by legal scholars who feared that the increasingly hegemonic idea of nation-based sovereignty threatened the stability of the pluralistic Austrian state. Proponents of the “sociological idea of the state,” notably the sociologist, politician, and later president of Czechoslovakia Tomáš Masaryk and the Polish-Jewish sociologist and jurist Ludwig Gumplowicz, challenged the concept of statehood advanced by mainstream Western European legal philosophy and called for a reform of Austria's law and political science curriculum. I reveal how, more than a century before the “imperial turn,” Habsburg actors came to reject the emerging scholarly distinction between “nations” and “empires” and fought, with considerable success, to institutionalize an alternative to nationalist social scientific discourse.

The Inconveniences of Nationality: German Bohemians, The Disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy, and the Attempt to Create a “Sudeten German” Identity

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl F. Bahm
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
German Identity ◽  
Political Dimensions

In much of the already vast and expanding literature on nationalism there is an understandable emphasis on its political dimensions. It is generally seen as the ideological mobilization of an essentially cultural national identity—which may or may not be considered pre-existing—for the purposes of attaining sovereign state power, or in some other way influencing and affecting state power, for example attaining greater rights or autonomy within the state. Where there are no such demands directed at the state, such an understanding implies that either we are not dealing with a nation, or we are dealing with one that is still unconscious of its nationhood or that is satisfied without any political expression of that nationhood. None of these cases, in any event, would normally be considered examples of nationalism, since nationalism by definition must demand, indeed is the demand for such state expression or recognition of nationality. As John Breuilly puts it: nationalism is “above and beyond all else, about politics, and … politics is about power.”

scholarly journals Bezirke als neue Räume der Verwaltung

Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 249-277
Author(s):  
Thomas Stockinger
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Spatial Organization ◽  
State Building ◽  
Spatial Knowledge ◽  
The State ◽  
Unitary Space ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Spatial Perspective ◽  
District Offices

Abstract This article deals with the introduction of state administrative institutions at the district level in the Habsburg Monarchy and their several reforms in the period from 1848 to 1868. It analyzes these processes in a spatial perspective and with a focus on implementation. First, it shows that new spaces of administration were constructed on several levels, especially the districts themselves and the district offices. This was done not by unilaterally expunging earlier forms of spatial organization, but rather in complex interplay with them. Numerous groups of actors were involved in negotiating this, including not only politicians and bureaucrats, but also members of the general population in various roles. In this sense there was a substantial component of ›state-building from below‹ in the creation of the district administrations. Finally, some consequences arising from the new organization of space are outlined, from the quantitative increase in state administrative activity via improved possibilities for production and use of spatial knowledge to advances in the construction of the territory as a unitary space of the state.

Operatic Representations of Habsburg Ideology: Ottoman Themes and Viennese Variations

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Larry Wolff
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Monumental Architecture ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Baroque Art ◽  
Diego Velazquez

Forty years agoR. J. W. Evans, in his now classic study ofThe Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, observed that, in the absence of a coherent early modern central government, the Habsburg enterprise rested crucially upon the baroque court and Habsburg patronage of the arts. Evans especially noted that “two great synthetic achievements, alike commissioned by court, magnates, and Church, alike immortally associated with the age of baroque in the Habsburg lands: the dramatic extravagance of opera; and its physical counterpart, the monumental architecture of the years around 1700.” Evans argued further that baroque art, including opera, contributed to the ideological legitimacy of the court, and therefore the state. This became particularly important during the reign of Emperor Leopold I, who was himself a composer of some distinction and who sponsored one of the supremely monumental operatic productions of the seventeenth century, Antonio Cesti'sIl pomo d'oro, on Paris and the prize of the golden apple, staged with twenty-four sets over the course of two days, in honor of the birthday of Leopold's teenage empress, the Spanish Infanta Margarita, in 1668. As a child, she had appeared as the artistic focus of the Spanish court in the paintingLas Meninasby Diego Velázquez.

The Education System between Private Business and the State: The Antagonism and Synergies of Industrial and State Paternalism in the Vítkovice Company Town (1869–1914)

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85
Author(s):  
Tomáš Gecko ◽  
Kristýna Kaucká
Keyword(s):  
Educational Policy ◽  
Education System ◽  
The State ◽  
School Law ◽  
Private Business ◽  
Company Town ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
State Paternalism ◽  
Hungarian State ◽  
Crown Lands

AbstractThis article aims at analyzing, within the scope of industrial and state paternalism, the interdependent dynamics between employer (Witkowitzer Bergbau- und Eisenhüttengewerkschaft), employee, and the Austro-Hungarian state, taking as an example the development of the education system of the Vítkovice (Witkowitz) company town, located in Moravia, one of the crown lands of the Habsburg Monarchy. The opening point of our research is the year 1869, when the so-called Hasner school law was adopted. The closing point is February 1914, with its new intervention into educational policy in the crown land of Moravia.

The Thirty Years' War, the “General Crisis,” and the Origins of a Standing Professional Army in the Habsburg Monarchy

1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Mears
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
State Building ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Essential Step ◽  
New Type ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs ◽  
Local Representative

One of the most striking features of seventeenth-century state building was the formation of standing armies. Kings and princes throughout Europe, responding to conditions of almost constant strife, were compelled to transform ineffective feudal levies and unruly bands of mercenaries into regularized bodies of professional troops, making ever larger and more costly military establishments instruments of rational foreign policy rather than the preserves of the old nobility or freebootingcondottieri. In building armies of the new type, European monarchs had to surmount determined opposition from two sources: the local representative bodies (estates) which were reluctant to grant rulers the powers of taxation necessary for the maintenance of permanent troops, and the mercenary colonels who were expected to relinquish their rights as independent recruiting masters and subordinate themselves to the state. By the middle decades of the seventeenth century, various territorial sovereigns were successfully mastering this opposition to their political authority and were able to take an essential step in the direction of true standing armies by routinely keeping strong military forces under their command at the conclusion of a campaign, thereby diminishing their reliance on contingents approved by the provincial estates or soldiers hastily raised by private entrepreneurs to meet specific emergencies.

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