scholarly journals DISPLACED ROHINGYA SETTLEMENT AND SECURITY CONCERN IN BANGLADESH

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 1633-1644
Author(s):  
MD MAHBUBUL HAQUE, BUSSABONG CHAIJAROENWATANA
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Economic Pressure ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Communal Riots ◽  
Precarious Situation ◽  
Security Concern

In Myanmar’s post-independence history, the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities have been in conflict with the Rangoon based central government. It is commonly alleged that the Rohingya are involved with separatist movements that threaten Myanmar’s sovereignty. The ethnic minority Rohingya were faced with sub-violent confrontation after the military took over State power and later, and most critically, they became de jure stateless in Myanmar.  The situation changed dramatically after the 2012 Buddhist-Muslim communal riots. Lastly, the quasi-civilian government launched ‘operation clearance’ against Rohingya civilians using the pretext of terrorist attacks on August, 2017. Since that operation, nearly a million terrorized Rohingya people crossed the border and sought shelter in Bangladesh. Almost three years on, after escaping the violence of the military in Myanmar, the refugees still live in uncertainty. This paper examines the conditions of displaced Rohingya living in different camps in Bangladesh and the extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for host country. The Government of Bangladesh and international humanitarian agencies have been successfully handling the refugee exodus. But despite progress, it is clear that the Rohingya remain in a precarious situation.  After intensive field work, it is concluded that a small minority refugees are involved with anti-social activities in Bangladesh whereas the large majority of Rohingya is innocent. Nevertheless, the refugees’ long presence in border areas of Bangladesh is creating socio-economic pressure and environmental hazards on Bangladesh’s limited resources.   

scholarly journals Stimulation, Segregation and Scandal: Geographies of Prostitution Regulation in British India, between Registration (1888) and Suppression (1923)

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1459-1505 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN LEGG
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
British India ◽  
Colonial India ◽  
Contagious Diseases ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Indian Cities

AbstractThis paper explores the regulation of prostitution in colonial India between the abolition of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1888 and the passing of the first Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act in 1923. It challenges the commonly held assumption that prostitutes naturally segregated themselves in Indian cities, and shows that this was a policy advocated by the Government of India. The object was to prevent the military visiting these segregated areas, in the absence of effective Cantonment Regulations for registering, inspecting, and treating prostitutes. The central government stimulated provincial segregation through expressing its desires via demi-official memoranda and confidential correspondence, to which Rangoon and Bombay responded most willingly. The second half of the paper explores the conditions, in both India and Ceylon, that made these segregated areas into scandalous sites in the early twentieth century. It situates the brothel amongst changing beliefs that they: increased rather than decreased incidents of homosexuality; stimulated trafficking in women and children; and encouraged the spread of scandalous white prostitutes ‘up-country’, beyond their tolerated location in coastal cosmopolitan ports. Taken alongside demands that the state support social reform in the early twentieth century, segregation provided the tipping point for the shift towards suppression from 1917 onwards. It also illustrates the scalar shifts in which central-local relations, and relations between provinces, in government were being negotiated in advance of the dyarchy system formalized in 1919.

scholarly journals Analysis of Farmland Abandonment and Government Supervision Traps in China

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1815
Author(s):  
Yemei Li ◽  
Yanfei Shan ◽  
Ying Chen
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Rural Households ◽  
Evolutionary Game ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Security Risk ◽  
Farmland Abandonment ◽  
Government Supervision ◽  
The Government

Farmland abandonment has become relatively common in rural China. In the context of food security, the Chinese government has introduced policies for farmland abandonment supervision, but the effect of these policies has proven to be marginal. By constructing an evolutionary game model, our research explores the evolutionary logic during the supervision of farmland abandonment by governments and rural households. The results indicate that low food yield and high opportunity costs are the leading causes of farmland abandonment. The probable punishment administered by the central government for dereliction is a major motivation for the local government to practice farmland abandonment supervision. The low supervision avoidance cost for rural households leads local governments and households to form collaborations to jointly cope with central government supervision. When this occurs, local governments’ supervision of farmland abandonment falls into a trap, as it leads to continued supervision practices that are costly and ineffective. Food security risk comes from the contradictory population and land resources demands. To improve food security while managing these contradictory demands, it is both necessary and feasible for the government to control population growth and focus on farmland protection, whereas it is unnecessary and unfeasible for the government to supervise whether or not farmland should be abandoned.

Modernization and Centralization in Northern Thailand, 1875–1910

1976 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Ansil Ramsay
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Level ◽  
Economic Pressure ◽  
Chiang Mai ◽  
The West ◽  
Northern Thailand ◽  
Process Of Change ◽  
Thai Government ◽  
The Government

As recently as 1875 Thailand had an extremely decentralized political system in which regional and local authorities enjoyed considerable autonomy from the central government. By the end of King Chulalongkon‘s reign in 1910, however, a very centralized political system had emerged in Thailand. This rather remarkable transformation from decentralization to centralization has usually been explained in terms of Western diplomatic and economic pressure upon the Thai government in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the reforms which the government undertook to meet this pressure. Earlier studies by scholars such as Walter Vella, D. G. E. Hall, and John F. Cady have strongly emphasized the importance of Western pressure and advisers for the transformation of the Thai political system. More recent studies, in particular those of David Wyatt, have emphasized the importance of domestic factors in this process of change and stressed the creativity of the Thai response to the West. All of these studies have in common, however, an emphasis upon the importance of national level politics in the process of centralization. It will be the argument of this paper that it is also necessary to examine provincial-level politics in the period from 1875 to 1910 to understand why centralization in Thailand was so thoroughgoing and why it proceeded so rapidly. For this purpose the paper will focus on northern Thailand in the area which is now covered by the provinces of Chiang Mai, Lamphun, Lampang, Phrae, and Nan.

晚明軍士收入考——兼論明代國家財政之基本精神

明代研究 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (37) ◽  
pp. 115-166
Author(s):  
彭皓 彭皓
Keyword(s):  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Financial System ◽  
Quota System ◽  
Substantial Impact ◽  
The Qing Dynasty ◽  
Late Ming ◽  
The Government ◽  
Financial Administration ◽  
The Military

<p>以往的明代財政史研究，大都選擇以財政收入一側的嬗遞為考察對象而不離乎制度研究的範式與國家本位的視角。本文以財政支出為切入點討論晚明軍士收入的構成與水準，進而以自下而上的進路，探討明代國家財政之基本精神。本文將晚明軍士收入劃分為常規性收入與臨時性收入，前者包括月糧、布花、馬料，後者則涉及行糧、安家銀。對於衛所軍士而言，晚明財政體制的白銀化未對其生計產生實質影響，其收入仍不過與洪武時期的標準大體相持，僅能勉強維生。相形之下，並不歸屬於衛所軍戶制之中的募兵所得餉銀明顯更高。兩者的分野與明代財政奉行的「原額主義」密切相關：國家以戶籍制束縛軍戶，設計微薄的糧餉標準，以此適應同樣偏低的財政收入。此一機制雖因晚明戰爭不斷而崩解，卻為清朝繼承乃至進一步鞏固。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Earlier studies on Ming dynasty finance have mainly focused on changes in revenue, following an institutional and state-oriented paradigm. This essay instead examines military pay, the largest expenditure of the late Ming central government, thus offering a perspective from the bottom up. This essay distinguishes late Ming military pay into regular and temporary categories. The former included monthly grain allowances, clothing, and horse fodder, while the latter included travel rations and relocation funds. For the military households, the commutation of the financial system into silver did not have a substantial impact on their livelihood. Their income had remained largely the same since the founding of the dynasty, and they could barely make ends meet. By contrast, the recruits, who were not registered with military households, received payment and rations that were significantly higher. The discrepancy between the two was closely linked to the &ldquo;quota system&rdquo; practiced in Ming financial administration. When the government established households fixed in the military category, meager rations were standardized, commensurate with the low revenue of the financial administration. Although this mechanism collapsed amidst the continuous wars of the late Ming, it was adopted and further consolidated in the Qing dynasty.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

The Fractured Centre: ‘Two-headed government’ and threats to the peace process in Myanmar

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
ARDETH MAUNG THAWNGHMUNG ◽  
SAW EH HTOO
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
National League ◽  
Effective Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peace Negotiation ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article analyses the evolving nature and dynamics of the relationship between the centre and the periphery by examining how semi-democratic reforms have shaped and influenced the peace negotiation process between the government and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) since 2011. We demonstrate that while the 2008 constitution has reduced restrictions on political, economic, and cultural activities in Myanmar, it has also inevitably produced a ‘two-headed government’ after the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), took charge in 2016 and was forced to share power with the military. This ‘two-headed’ government is the result of the historical distrust between the NLD and the army, combined with the NLD's lack of a clear strategy in dealing with EAOs. This has enabled the army to assert its well-articulated and hardline approach—without itself having an effective strategy or the capacity to end the country's armed insurgencies or bring the peace process forward. We show that the split at the centre has produced inertia and weakened the ability of the central government to formulate and implement effective policy, and further undermined the prospects for national reconciliation. Situating this case study within the wider literature of centre–periphery relationships and democratic transition, this article offers a nuanced and comprehensive analysis of how specific institutional arrangements at the centre in semi-democratic settings affect relations in both the centre and the periphery, as well as centre–periphery relationships.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

Land Use Change and Commodity Frontiers

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Cáceres ◽  
Esteban Tapella ◽  
Diego A. Cabrol ◽  
Lucrecia Estigarribia
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Dry Forest ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Fast Pace ◽  
Forest Use ◽  
The Government ◽  
Social Environmental ◽  
Management Recommendations

Argentina is experiencing an expansion of soya and maize cultivation that is pushing the agricultural frontier over areas formerly occupied by native Chaco forest. Subsistance farmers use this dry forest to raise goats and cattle and to obtain a broad range of goods and services. Thus, two very different and non-compatible land uses are in dispute. On the one hand subsistance farmers fostering an extensive and diversified forest use, on the other hand, large-scale producers who need to clear out the forest to sow annual crops in order to appropriate soil fertility. First, the paper looks at how these social actors perceive Chaco forest, what their interests are, and what kind of values they attach to it. Second, we analyze the social-environmental conflicts that arise among actors in order to appropriate forest’s benefits. Special attention is paid to the role played by the government in relation to: (a) how does it respond to the demands of the different sectors; and (b) how it deals with the management recommendations produced by scientists carrying out social and ecological research. To put these ideas at test we focus on a case study located in Western Córdoba (Argentina), where industrial agriculture is expanding at a fast pace, and where social actors’ interests are generating a series of disputes and conflicts. Drawing upon field work, the paper shows how power alliances between economic and political powers, use the institutional framework of the State in their own benefit, disregarding wider environmental and social costs. 

A Study On Challenges Faced By Small Scale Entrepreneurship Management In Tirunelveli City

2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (10) ◽  
pp. 244-251
Author(s):  
Dr. V. Sangeetha ◽  
S.Selva Kumari ◽  
M. Deena ◽  
K. Chandra
Keyword(s):  
First Generation ◽  
Central Government ◽  
New Products ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
The Government

In modern days entrepreneurship are increased and they were faced a lot of issues and challenges. Entrepreneur is one who has creative and innovative ideas for a business. The entrepreneurship reduces the unemployment. The Government was encouraged the Entrepreneurs and give award for them. Main objective for these awards is to recognize the business and business man and improve the marketability introduced new products for a market. The Central Government issues award for entrepreneurs who have a age of 40 years and they must be first generation entrepreneurs. They were holding a 51% of equity and ownership of business and then women must individually own 75% or more of the enterprise.

The Problem of Agricultural Taxation in West Pakistan and an Alternative Solution: A Comment (Notes & Comments)

1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-437
Author(s):  
Sarfaraz Khan Qureshi
Keyword(s):  
Capita Income ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Farm Size ◽  
Per Capita Income ◽  
Tax Rate ◽  
Water Rate ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government

In the Summer 1973 issue of the Pakistan Development Review, Mr. Mohammad Ghaffar Chaudhry [1] has dealt with two very important issues relating to the intersectoral tax equity and the intrasectoral tax equity within the agricultural sector in Pakistan. Using a simple criterion for vertical tax equity that implies that the tax rate rises with per capita income such that the ratio of revenue to income rises at the same percentage rate as per capita income, Mr. Chaudhry found that the agricultural sector is overtaxed in Pakistan. Mr. Chaudhry further found that the land tax is a regressive levy with respect to the farm size. Both findings, if valid, have important policy implications. In this note we argue that the validity of the findings on intersectoral tax equity depends on the treatment of water rate as tax rather than the price of a service provided by the Government and on the shifting assumptions regard¬ing the indirect taxes on imports and domestic production levied by the Central Government. The relevance of the findings on the intrasectoral tax burden would have been more obvious if the tax liability was related to income from land per capita.

Is it worth doing fieldwork with this organisation? A method for considering context before conducting fieldwork research in Sport for development and peace.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tegwen Gadais ◽  
Laurie Décarpentrie ◽  
Andrew Webb ◽  
Marie Belle Ayoub ◽  
Mariann Bardocz-Bencsik ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Sustainable Development Goals ◽  
Field Work ◽  
Limited Resources ◽  
Limited Time ◽  
Sport For Development ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Existing Data

Much has been written about sport as a tool for development and peace. But more research on Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) organizations, is needed to better understand their actual contributions to the UNs sustainable development goals. Yet, the unstable, risky, and restricted contexts in which many NGOs and SDP agencies operate often leaves researchers struggling to find effective yet feasible methods through which to examine agencies in these fields. Indeed, conducting field work on and with SDP agency often implies allocating significant quantities of researcher’s limited time, funding, and other vital resources. And as limited resources need to be invested wisely, SDP researchers will clearly need to prepare their fieldwork. Nevertheless, there are but a handful of methodological papers that address the question of how to prepare for SDP field work. In other words, the question of how we know if it is worthwhile, and safe enough, to proceed with SDP field work remains. Building on previous research, the purpose of this study is to raise important ontological and epistemological questions about what can be known about a given context, before setting off on fieldwork. We further explore the use of the Actantial Model as a research method for analyzing existing data before deciding whether to conduct fieldwork in complex and frequently insecure situations. In other words, will the cost (material, temporal, financial, and physical) of conducting fieldwork be worth it? By applying the Actantial Model, with the specific aim of informing decisions regarding subsequent fieldwork, to one specific case, contributions regarding the pertinence of conducting fieldwork are provided.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document