scholarly journals sociological analysis of communication of institute of political parties in the electoral process

nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Anton Arutynov

The article is dedicated to the theoretical research and analyses of practice of social activity, which is practiced by institute of political party in the process voting and electoral process, that is why, the goal is to make a complex view of functions and role of this special institute, also it plays a duale role, because, on the one hand, it allows civil society to rule the government and taking a kind of socialization of individuals by making them closer to the groups of political and party elite, on the other hand, it make possible to the state machine make its workplaces full with the most active and perfect candidates from the political parties by the democracy procedures and strict selection of candidates.

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hidayansyah ◽  
Trisakti Handayani ◽  
M Syahri

ABSTRAKPemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan acara lima tahun sekali yang dilaksanakan di Indonesia, kegiatan ini sebagai wahana menyalurkan segala aspirasi masyarakat terutama dalam mempengaruhi keputusan politik, dan Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran dan partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2014 di Kota Malang, selain itu untuk mengetahui peran KPU Kota Malang dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014, dan untuk menjelaskan faktor pendukung dan penghambat partisipasi masyarakat dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014.Penelitian ini menggunakan Model penelitian deskriptif, yaitu suatu model penelitian dengan mencatat, mendeskripsikan dan menginterpratasikan peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihan umum prseiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang, dan penelitian ini menggunakan tiga teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, diperoleh hasil bahwa peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihn umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang sangat besar. Artinya ini sesuai dengan realita dan fakta yang terjadi di lapangan, bahwa tahun 2014 partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang sangat meningkat. Hal ini didukung oleh hasil wawancara dan observasi kepada pememrintahan Kota Malang, Partai Politik dan Masyarakat Kota Malang, selain itu hal yang paling mendukung adalah hasil perthitungan suara di Kota Malang, menunjukan sebanyak 70% masyarakat Kota Malang ikut berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang.Kata Kunci : Peran KPU, Partisipasi Masyarakat.ABSTRACTGeneral election for president and vice president is an event held every five years in Indonesia. This is a program which is used for channeling the aspirations of all communities, especially in influencing political decisions. This study aims to determine the role and participation of Malang communities in the presidential and vice presidential elections 2014. Besides, this study also aims to determine the role of General Elections Commission (KPU) of Malang in general election of president and vice president in 2014, and to explain the enabling and inhibiting factors of communities’ participation in the election of president and vice president in 2014. The approach used in this study is descriptive study, which is a study model by noting, describing and interpreting the role of KPU in increasing the communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This study uses three methods in collecting the data. They are interview, documentation, and observation. Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the General Elections Commission has a big role in increasing communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This means that it corresponds to the reality and the facts which occurred, that in 2014 the participation of Malang communities greatly increased. This is supported by the results of the interviews and observations to the government of Malang, Political Parties in Malang and also Malang communities. Besides, the most favorable case is the result of vote counting in Malang which shows as much as 70% of people in Malang participated in the elections for president and vice president 2014 in Malang.Key words: Role of the General Elections Commissions, Communities Participations


2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-56
Author(s):  
Veronica Ehrenreich-Risner

Geographical renaming as a methodology to deconstruct power shifts in South Africa allows for inclusion of silenced and marginalized voices from the country's recent past. This article examines the symbolic power of the state, as well as of the processes of boundary-making under the lens of place renaming with a focus on the province of Gauteng. The article introduces the phrase “living archive” to unpack South Africa's changing perceptions of who is oppressor and who is oppressed in the ongoing transition to democratic governance. The article employs the renaming of sites as a metanarrative to reveal a nuanced picture of the political shifts in power. Through the selection of particular facts as usable past, the article argues, the government seeks to identify who is worthy of the role of hero or victim in post-apartheid South Africa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1490
Author(s):  
Fifiana WISNAENI

The regional head as the organizer of the government in the region is also an extension of the central government, has a pretty heavy task, therefore in order for the State's goals to be achieved, regional heads must be chosen that are truly credible, qualified and qualified, so that it can bring success to regional development in carrying out government affairs as mandated by the Act, which will ultimately have a positive impact, in the form of support for national development. This research is intended to examine, criticize and analyze which are expected to provide solutions related to the development of the authority to form laws in the constitutional system of the Republic of Indonesia. The formulation of the problem in this study are the dynamics of regional elections in Indonesia in the reformation era and the implications of the dynamics of regional elections in the Indonesian constitutional system. The method of approach used in this study is normative juridical, which is an approach that uses the positivist concept which states that law is identical with written norms created and enacted by authorized institutions or officials. The dynamics of regional head elections in Indonesia in the Reformation era include the conditions for pairs of candidates for regional head elections and the mechanism for regional head elections. Pairs of regional head candidates must be proposed by political parties or a combination of eligible political parties.  


Author(s):  
George Tsebelis

The article examines the content of the constitutional amendments with respect to the Senate. While symmetric bicameralism would be abolished with respect to policymaking, it would be preserved and even exacerbated with respect to constitutional revisions. The consequences of the first would be a reduction of the number of institutional veto players, which would lead to the facilitation of policy change, and an increase in the power of the government (who is the agenda setter). The content of the new policies remains unknown, as are the economic consequences of the proposed changes. Constitutional revisions would become more difficult, because the ideological distance between the Chamber of Deputies and Senate would be likely to increase (because of the mode of selection of Senators), while article 138, which specifies the requirements for amendment to the constitution, would remain the same. As a result, the role of the Italian Constitutional Court would also likely increase.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvana Tarlea

What determines the incentives of governments and businesses to invest in skills needed for higher value-added activities? While many factors matter, this article focuses on the motivations and the role of political parties in government. A policy analysis in Poland and Romania between 1989 and 2015, shows how governments can determine a change in the supply of skills even in relatively new democracies. We tackle the variation in the supply of sophisticated skills in the two countries and find that, unlike governments dominated by national-conservative parties, governments dominated by liberal parties have strategically steered the supply of skills in the economy. They have simultaneously identified and incentivized three key actors to invest in higher added value activities: (1) They have steered their higher education institutions towards offering degrees conducive to research and development; (2) they have incentivized students through scholarships or through secure employment by fostering links with enterprises; and (3) they have bargained with multinational companies to attract sophisticated activities. The article suggests that political parties should figure more prominently in political economy scholarship focusing on CEE. Moreover, this work speaks to a broader debate about the role of political parties in skill formation and in institutional change more generally.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Cotton

The Analysis of Opposition in Asian Political Systems raises acute problems of definition. At one end of a continuum lie those polities in which an ‘opposition’ is either inconceivable (North Korea is perhaps the best example) or inevitably in a state of war or confrontation with the regime (as is the case in Burma/Myanmar). In cases at this end of the continuum opposition cannot be democratic in the systemic sense, unless the opposition realizes its programme and becomes a democratic government. At the other end of the continuum, however, the character, standing and potential of ‘opposition’ is very much a matter of debate. In these systems a multiplicity of non-governing political parties exist, and these parties contest elections and send members to legislatures, though they often operate under rules (informal as well as formal) and conditions which tend to prevent them from gaining power. The focus of this article will be upon these systems, which are here labelled – whether parliamentary or presidential – ‘constitutional’. ‘Constitutional’ is understood as entailing the existence of an embedded and more or less regularly operating set of electoral mechanisms which plays an essential part in the selection of the government.


2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


Author(s):  
Luciane Muniz R. Barbosa ◽  
Theresa Adrião

O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre o direito à Educação Infantil no Brasil,de modo a indagar sobre a participação dos governos estaduais na garantia dessedireito, considerado um dever do Estado cuja viabilização depende do efetivo exercíciode colaboração entre os entes federados. Neste caso, opta-se por analisar informaçõessobre o conjunto dos estados brasileiros, como: as performances das matrículasestaduais nesta etapa; os PIBs dos respectivos estados e os partidos políticos dasgestões governamentais iniciadas a partir da vigência da Lei de ResponsabilidadeFiscal. Ressalta-se a necessidade de revisão do pacto federativo no âmbito de formasde cooperação para a oferta da Educação Infantil no país, também como forma decombate à privatização e precarização do atendimento educacional das criançaspequenas.Palavras-chave: Educação Infantil; governos estaduais; cooperação federativa; partidos políticosThe purpose of the this paper is to reflect upon the right to Early Childhood Education inBrazil, in such a way as inquire the role of local state governments in safeguarding suchright, one that is deemed to be a State responsibility and whose accomplishmentdepends on the actual collaboration among the federated states. In the present case, wehave decided to analyze information on the Brazilian federated states as a whole, suchas the number of actual enrollments in this stage of education, the states’ GDP, and thepolitical parties ahead of the government administrations as from the enactment of theFiscal Responsibility Law. We emphasize the need for a revision of the federalagreement as regards the cooperation mechanisms relating to the offer of EarlyChildhood Education in the country, also as way to oppose the privatization anddebilitation of the educational services provided to young children.Keywords: Early childhood education; state governments; federalist cooperation;political parties


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