scholarly journals Geopolitical dimension of the potential rapprochement of Kazakhstan and Ukraine at the present stage

2021 ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Evgeny Korenev

The article is devoted to the assessment of the state and prospects of Ukraine-Kazakhstan relations in the context of the Nur-Sultan’s foreign policy strategy transformation. The author considers the most important areas of interaction between Ukraine and Kazakhstan, special attention is paid to the analysis of economic cooperation between the two states at the present stage. The projects of Kiev and Nur-Sultan focused on the development of the Trans-Caspian corridor of international trade are analyzed. The conclusion is made that the countries most likely will not be able to form a full-fledged strategic partnership, because Kazakhstan is a member of the EAEU and the CSTO, while Ukraine aspires to join the EU. However, the states will increase interaction in the trade and economic sphere, including, perhaps, military-technical cooperation, but only to a limited extent.

Author(s):  
A. D. Zhukov ◽  
M. M. Shumilov

The article clarifies the prerequisites and circumstances ofFrancemovement in the direction of selfidentification as a Western economy. Based on an analysis of the foreign policy’s views and practical efforts of theFifthRepublic’s Presidents, the authors note the country's transition from opposing the expansion of partnership withGreat Britainand military cooperation with theUnited Stateswithin the North Atlantic Treaty’s framework to overcoming deep disagreements with NATO to restore membership in its military organization. The “Westernization” ofFrance’s security and defense policies is also explained by its move from national autonomy to understanding the importance of ensuring the country's sovereignty through active participation in European integration. Describing the “proWestern“ course ofFranceat the present stage, the authors pay attention to President E. Macron's skepticism concerning Euro-Atlantic solidarity and the deterioration of the conditions for transatlantic cooperation with theUnited States. According to the authors’ opinion, the current foreign policy strategy ofFranceis distinguished by Eurocentrism, as well as its desire for a strategic partnership with theRussian Federation.


Author(s):  
Ramūnas Vilpišauskas

For Lithuania, the geopolitical motive to join the European Union (EU) in order to prevent a repetition of the 1940s occupation has been as important as a motive to “return to Europe.” This motivation to become part of the West led the country’s political elites to conceptualize accession into the EU as an important part of the transition reforms which were expected to modernize Lithuania’s economy, public administration, and governance as well as contribute to the country’s security and create conditions for economic catching up. Membership in the EU, accession into NATO, and good neighborly relations became the three cornerstones of Lithuania’s foreign policy since the early 1990s and enjoyed broad political support. It was this support that arguably allowed for the maintenance of political and administrative mobilization and consistency of preparations for the membership during the pre-accession process. Public support for the EU membership remained above the EU average since accession in 2004. Around the time of accession, a new concept of Lithuania as “a regional leader” was formulated by the core of the nation’s foreign policy makers. The concept of a regional leader implied active efforts of mediating between Eastern neighbors and the EU, often in coordination with Poland, which was driven by the desire to stabilize the Eastern neighborhood and advance relations between Eastern neighbors and the EU and NATO. Although coalition building within the EU has been fluctuating between a strategic partnership with Poland and Baltic-Nordic cooperation, also most recently the New Hanseatic league, attention to the Eastern neighborhood and geopolitical concerns originating from perceived aggressive Russian policies remained a defining characteristic of the country’s European policy independent of personalities and political parties, which have been at the forefront of policy making. Completion of integration into the EU, in particular in the fields of energy and transport, as well as dealing with “leftovers” from accession into the EU, such as joining the Schengen area and the euro zone, became the other priorities since 2004. Lithuania has been one of the fastest converging countries in the EU in terms of GDP per capita since its accession. However, membership in the EU Single Market also had controversial side effects. Relatively large flows of emigrants to other EU member states generated political debates about the quality of governance in Lithuania and its long-term demographic trends such as a decreasing and aging population. Introduction of the euro in 2015 was perceived by the public as the main factor behind price rises, making inflation the most important public issue in 2016–2018. High per capita income growth rates as well as the prospect of the United Kingdom exiting the EU triggered discussions about excessive dependency on EU funding, the potential effects of its decline after 2020, and sources of economic growth. There are increasingly divergent opinions regarding further deepening of integration within the EU, especially in regard to alignment of member states’ foreign and security policies as well as tax harmonization. Still, membership in the EU is rarely questioned, even by those who oppose further integration and advocate a “Europe of nations.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Natalia Anikeeva ◽  

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.


2018 ◽  
pp. 91-154
Author(s):  
Chaitanya Ravi

This chapter concentrates on the period from July 2005–March 2006 and examines the way in which the nuclear deal and the US-India strategic partnership wrapped around it influenced India’s energy and foreign policy, in particular the Iran–Pakistan–India (IPI) natural gas pipeline and Iran–India relations. The chapter follows the shifting relationships between Petroleum Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar; External Affairs Minister, Natwar Singh; and Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. An important part of the chapter is the US Ambassador to India David Mulford’s role vis a vis the IPI pipeline and the factors that gave rise to the idea of a nuclear deal with India among a small coterie in the State Department. The chapter concludes with the collision of the rival energy initiatives, the strategic paradigms wrapped around them and the way in which the nuclear deal prevailed over the pipeline with Natwar’s exit and Aiyar’s dismissal being important milestones.


Author(s):  
Christian Wagner

India has long-standing relations with Western Europe. The Strategic Partnership Agreement of 2004 with the European Union and similar agreements with individual European states form the institutional basis for economic, political, military, technological, and cultural cooperation with India. But despite common interests in many areas, the strategic perspectives remain limited because of structural constraints in India and Western Europe. Even after the Treaty of Lisbon, the foreign policy of the EU will be shared between Brussels and the member states. India’s foreign policy is handled mostly by the under-staffed Ministry of External Affairs. This is far from being adequate to cope with the requirements of an interdependent global system and India’s own aspirations to play a more important role. Hence, only if both sides understand the structural constraints and limitations of the other, will the partnership flourish on a more realistic basis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-154
Author(s):  
Lidiia H. Yurkovska ◽  
Volodymyr V. Krasnov ◽  
Serhii H. Ubohov

The aim: Scientific substantiation of the state and tendencies of development at the present stage of the legislation of the European Union and Ukrainian legislation on quality assurance of medicines. Materials and methods: Using the biblio-semantic, systematic-review, analytical, formal-legal and comparative-law methods, the individual regulatory sources of pharmaceutical legislation of the EU and Ukraine were studied. Conclusions: The paper identifies that pharmaceutical legislation of the EU and Ukraine on quality assurance of medicines at the present stage of their development have common features, which include the number, disorder of existing legal acts, which creates conflicts between them and the potential for gaps in regulation. The main trend in the development of this legislation in the EU and Ukraine is the disparity of legal acts and the lack of significant legislative efforts to codify them.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Perederii

The article presents and reveals the main tendencies of transformation of the legislative foundations of European integration of Ukraine at the present stage of state formation. While analyzing the problems of implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, the author highlights and reveals the content of three main tendencies that are characteristic for the development of the legislative basis of the European integration policy. In particular, the expanding of the current Constitution of Ukraine with the rules on the irreversibility of the European integration course, updating of normative documents regulating the planned character and gradual implementation of the provisions of the Association Agreement, amending the current version of the Association Agreement in order to update its provisions.  The attention is drawn to the fact that the modification of the legislative foundations of Ukraine's European integration course is an important political and legal factor for the transformation of not only the system of the legal system of the state in the formal sense, but also of the legal consciousness of the broad masses of the population. This is explained by the phenomenon of the action of so-called «future law». In practical terms, such a phenomenon manifests itself in the fact that in the society on the mental level there is an increasing level of expectations from the state to activate pro-European policy, further reforming of the national law in the direction of implementation of European models of social regulation. Accordingly, there is an impact on the minds of people by "future norms of law", which are designed to regulate social relations, which are just beginning to emerge.           Further priorities of expanding the legislative foundations of Ukraine's European integration are outlined. In particular, it is the optimization of the mechanism of substantial realization of European integration transformations in the practice of national state administration, as well as the preparation of legislative support to overcome the global political risks and economic threats that may occur in connection with the implementation of the Association Agreement. First of all, Ukraine should develop and accumulate the practice of applying the legislation in the sphere of increasing the investment attractiveness of Ukraine, guaranteeing the legal protection of foreign investments, adjusting the national manufacturing sector of Ukraine to the EU requirements, harmonizing the national model of legal regulation of the labor market with the EU, enhancing the institutional focus of the Ukrainian authorities to implement the EU Directives.


Author(s):  
Marta Adamiv ◽  
◽  
Natalia Horbal ◽  
Iryna Kots ◽  
◽  
...  

At the present stage, there is a problem of ensuring the sustainable development at all levels. The United Nations has declared 17 Global Goals that must be realized by subjects of mega-, macro-, meso- and microlevels, including customs authorities. In the context of European integration, an important task for Ukraine is to increase competitiveness following the example of successful European states. At the same time, the competitiveness of the country is a multifaceted and multidimensional concept that is influenced by numerous environmental factors. At the present stage, one of the key determinants of the state's competitiveness is its sustainable development. Today, the concept of sustainable development is a new challenge for national customs systems, that’s why it is appeared the need to justify their role in achieving the Global Goals to increase the country's competitiveness. The Sustainable Development Goals exist immanently in the basic functions performed by the customs authorities. After all, the service function of customs bodies is aimed at simplifying customs and trade procedures for law-abiding business in order to intensify international trade as a basis for economic growth. The security and control function of the customs system provides for the protection of the state and its citizens from dangerous and low-quality products that pose a threat to human health and life. The fiscal function of customs authorities is aimed at filling the state budget with customs payments in order to finance the priority areas of the country's development. Achieving the Global Goals is made possible through the use of a variety of customs documents and tools that need to be improved towards sustainable development. Thus, customs authorities are involved in overcoming poverty and hunger in the world by intensifying global trade flows, which, accordingly, provides additional opportunities for employment and filling the state budget with taxes. In this context, it is a matter of assisting the customs authorities to achieve the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 16th and 17th Sustainable Development Goals. In modern conditions, international trade plays a significant role in shaping a stable economy and the welfare of society. In this context, customs authorities contribute to the 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 16th and 17th Global Goals by reducing trade barriers to form inclusive societies. Customs are also involved in protecting the planet and ensuring its stability for future generations, while contributing to the achievement of the 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th and 17th Global Goals.


Author(s):  
P. A. Barakhvostov

The paper gives an in-depth analysis of the evolution of the EU policy towards the South Caucasus within the framework of the Eastern Partnership. It is amply demonstrated that in 2009-2016 the goal was a Europeanization as a creation of a favorable external environment for the European Union through a sweeping judiciary, economic and political transformation in the region carried out according to the European standards. Among the key objectives of the European Union policy is the maintenance of energy security by means of creating an alternative transport corridor for fossil fuels. The study underscores that the implementation of the Eastern Partnership in 2009-2013 revealed significant discrepancies in the speed and degree of Europeanization in the South Caucasus countries due to their socio-economic peculiarities. Such uneven transformation reflects the long-standing search for an optimum way of cooperation with the European Union. This complex multi-aspect and long-term process constitutes an integral part of the effort to grasp new national and regional identities made by post-Soviet states. The paper thoroughly analyses the distinctive features of the new EU foreign policy strategy characterized by a differentiated approach to each country. Instead of the former irreciprocal statement of prerequisites for cooperation, such an approach paves the way for meaningful bilateral dialogue between the partners and furthers integration just to the extent they are ready for. Yet, it is shown that this strategy preserved the faults of the former EU regional policy towards the post-Soviet space. They include inconsistency, vague objectives, and emphasis on the geopolitical confrontation with Russia. However, in order to promote the stable development of the region, the EU needs to rethink its foreign policy strategy and come up with a modernized framework of cooperation that would take into account the interests of all concerned parties, including the Russian Federation.


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