scholarly journals Tinjauan Kritis Politik Dinasti di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
Djoni Gunanto

Abstract In the body of political parties in Indonesia, it cannot be denied that there are oligarchies that can affect the nomination and candidacy mechanisms so that they do not work as they should. nomination of candidates by political parties is often based on the wishes of the political party elite, not based on the quality and integrity of the candidates. Political dynasties strengthen networks of power from the regional to the central level, whose orientation is to maintain power within political parties. The purpose of this research is to reveal comprehensively about the developing political dynasties in Indonesia. This research method is a literature review study, by exploring legal products, journals, articles, and documents. The data collection technique is done by noting literature sources. The research analysis was carried out using a qualitative approach using the content analysis model. The results of the study, political dynasties in Indonesia were carried out in two ways: by design and by accident. The political dynasty by design has been around for a long time. Relatively, the network of familism in government is already strong, so that relatives who enter the government or participate in political contestation have been arranged in such a way as to engineer the success of their goals. As for the political dynasty by accident occurs in a situation of succession of government which suddenly nominates relatives to replace them in order to maintain informal power over their successors if they win in political contestation. Dynastic politics can actually be accepted and not questioned as long as the recruitment and selection system for candidates in political contestation in Indonesia runs fairly and professionally. Therefore, the determination of candidates or candidates in political contestation in Indonesia must be based on a meritocratic system, which gives more rights to anyone with good achievements and track records to occupy strategic seats in government. Keywords: Politics, Dynasty, Candidate, regional elections Abstrak Di tubuh partai politik di Indonesia tidak dapat dipungkiri adanya oligarki yang dapat mempengaruhi mekanisme pencalonan dan kandidasi sehingga tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. pencalonan kandidat oleh partai politik seringkali seringkali berdasarkan keinginan elit partai politik, bukan berdasarkan kualitas dan integritas calon. Dinasti politik memperkuat jaringan kekuasaan mulai dari tingkat daerah hingga pusat, yang orientasinya mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam tubuh partai politik. Tujuan penelitian, ini untuk mengungkap secara komprehensif tentang dinasti politik yang berkembang di Indonesia. Metode Penelitian ini merupakan studi literature review, dengan menelusuri produk hukum, jurnal, artikel, dan dokumen-dokumen. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan mencatat sumber literatur. Analisis penelitian dilakukan menggunakan pedekatan kualitatif dengan menggunakan model analisis isi. Hasil Penelitian, Dinasti politik di Indonesia dilakukan dengan dua cara: by design dan by accident. Dinasti politik by design telah terbentuk sejak lama. Secara relasi, jejaring familisme dalam pemerintahan sudah kuat, sehingga kerabat yang masuk dalam pemerintahan atau terjun dalam kontestasi politik sudah diatur sedemikian rupa untuk merekayasa keberhasilan tujuannya. Adapun dinasti politik by accident terjadi dalam situasi suksesi pemerintahan yang secara tiba-tiba mencalonkan kerabat untuk menggantikannya demi menjaga kekuasaan informal erhadap penggantinya jika menang dalam kontestasi politik Kesimpulan. Politik dinasti sejatinya bisa diterima dan tidak dipersoalkan selama dalam pelaksanaan sistem perekrutan dan pemilihan calon dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia berjalan secara adil dan profesional. Oleh karenanya, penentuan calon atau kandidat dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia harus didasarkan pada sistem meritokrasi, yakni memberikan hak lebih kepada siapapun yang memiliki prestasi dan track record yang baik untuk menduduki kursi-kursi strategis dalam pemerintahan. Kata Kunci: Partai, Politik, Dinasti, Kandidat, Pilkada

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martien Herna Susanti

The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Novi Winarti

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Abdul Aziz ◽  
Umaimah Wahid

Dynastic politics has always been an issue that has attracted public attention to be discussed during the Regional Head Election (Pilkada) process. This is because in reality there is a tendency in many regional heads to try to build dynastic politics. The simultaneous Regional Head Election (Pilkada) in 2020 is quite interesting with several candidates emerging from the family of President Jokowi. This study aims to determine how online media of kompas.com and okezone.com in framing news about dynastic politics in the 2020 Pilkada. To achieve this goal, this study uses a qualitative research method, where the author uses the framing analysis model of Robert N. Entmant. The object of this research is news regarding the politics of President Jokowi's dynasty, in online media kompas.com and okezone.com. The data collection technique used literature study. The results of the analysis of this study present news about dynastic politics in the 2020 Pilkada. In the results of the news framing analysis using the Robert N. Entman model, there are several stages such as problem definition, problem estimation from problem sources, moral decision making, and problem solving. The news on kompas.com clearly highlighted news that was contra or disagreeable with the existence of dynastic politics in Indonesia, especially in the 2020 Pilkada, while the news on okezone.com clearly did not question the existence of dynastic politics in the 2020 Pilkada. The victory of the two PDI-Perjuangan candidates is part of the General Chair's commitment to ensure that his party leads to produce quality young leadership. Of course, the imbalance in the selection of sources in the news is very important so that people who see it can provide a more objective opinion of the news.


Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.


1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 493-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW K. MILTON

This article examines general patterns of the politics of media reform in Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Taiwan, all societies transitioning to democracy. Although the media are becoming more free and independent in each, there remain significant political constraints on journalism in all four countries. Using arguments from organizational analysis, the author contends that the persistence of institutional connection between the media and the government, state, and political parties has left the media in a politically dependent position. This dependence is manipulated by politicians across the political spectrum in an effort to sustain electoral success and political authority. The prevalence of this pattern in Taiwan indicates that the so-called Leninist legacy is not always the primary inhibitor of greater liberalization. The difficulties in all four countries indicate, the author contends, that rebuilding old institutions differs from creating brand new democratic ones.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-165
Author(s):  
Rully Khairul Anwar ◽  
Agus Rusmana ◽  
M. Taufiq Rahman

This study examines the politics of information within organizations or groups of traditional medical practitioners in West Bandung Regency of West Java Province. The political process of information here includes the activities of how the government implements information policies in relation to traditional medicine. The study also learned how traditional medicine groups respond to public policy on traditional medicine. The method used is qualitative with data collection technique through observation, interview, documentation, and literature study. The results show that there is local politics of information distribution activity in West Bandung society marked by the existence of the managers of traditional medicine, patients, the government with its regulations, and other politics of information distribution activities that led to the maintenance of science and traditional medical services. It is clear that the main reason for the politics of information to exist was economic.


Author(s):  
Ishaq Rahman ◽  
Elyta Elyta

ABSTRACT A country that implements the system as mentioned earlier is more towards an authoritarian system of government which aims to dominate and dominate the power of the state towards the people. Democracy cannot survive from such a closed state. In a basic concept of democracy, there is a fundamental principle, namely the principle of sovereignty of the people who run the government.Political communication is one of the many roles played by political parties in various available arrangements. The political party is required to communicate knowledge, issues and political thoughts.Constitutionally, the Government adopts a Presidential System in which the ministers in the cabinet are responsible to the president. But in practice the SBY-JK administration is more of a Parliamentary System. Keywords: political parties, democracy, SBY government


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Norfazilah Binti Abdul Halim ◽  
Aliff Radzuan Bin Mohamad Radzi ◽  
Nor Zalina Binti Kasim ◽  
Faiz Bin Mohd Turan

The sustainability weighting is crucial as it is practically implemented into sustainability evaluation, especially in industrial development. Sustainability is about the interconnection between three aspects of sustainability impact such as economic impact, environmental impact, and social impact. Multi-Criteria Analysis (MCA) model play important roles to measure the weighting for each impact according to the scenario and criteria selected based on scientific rules and robust statistical methods. However, there were insufficient studies on the existing literature sustainability weighting model from MCA method for the ethanol plant. Hence, the present paper demonstrates a systematic literature review of MCA model methods on sustainability weighting for the ethanol plant. There are two steps involved in systematic literature reviews: formulation of the research question and systematic searching strategies consisting of identification, screening, eligibility, quality appraisal, data abstraction and analysis. The review is based on leading databases; Scopus – ScienceDirect, Springer, Taylor and Francis, and one supporting database – Google Scholar. From the review, the preferable MCA weighting model for sustainability evaluation of ethanol plants is ‘integrated Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP)’ rather than ‘standalone AHP’. The paper offered a significant contribution to the body of knowledge and sustainability evaluation purposes.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Chairul Basrun Umanailo

The practice of dynastic politics in Bima Regency is a long drama of concentration of power during the last 20 years, where the last four periods of leadership were controlled by the royal family. The study of political dynasties is not related to a blue-blooded leader or not, but rather about the control of power in a particular family, but it happens that the families who practice dynastic politics in Bima are people from the royal family/sultanate who have indeed reigned in the sultanate. Bima, or to be more precise, the political actors of the dynasty in Bima were the sultan and his wife and children. This research uses qualitative methods with a qualitative descriptive approach. Sources of data in this study are the people of Bolo District who will become voters in the 2020 Pemilukada of Bima Regency. Sampling was based on purposive sampling technique. Data collection techniques are interviews, observation and documentation. The analysis technique used is an interactive analysis model, while the validity of the data uses the source triangulation technique. Dynastic politics in Bima Regency was done by using the image of the sultanate as cultural legitimacy. The Bima community, who were still at the Magis consciousness level, smoothed their steps in getting votes in the contestation for the regent election, even people at this level of awareness became very easy to exploit. The next advantage of the practice of dynastic politics in Bima is that most of the opposition elites are still trapped in a naïve level of awareness where the opposition group does not consider how to take strategic steps to overthrow the great power of the political dynasty. The opposition must accept defeat because it is unable to gather resources to overthrow its political opponents. This can be seen from how the opposition factions were divided into factions which made them weak.


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