scholarly journals Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Upaya Aplikasi Anggaran 20% Penyelenggaraan Pendidikan Nasional

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Rini Wulandari

Amandemen atau Perubahan ketiga Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 telah melahirkan lembaga Mahkamah Konstitusi yang bertugas sebagai pelindung atas pelaksanaan amanat konstitusi dan menjamin terlaksananya hak konstitusional bagi setiap warga negara Indonesia. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi bersifat final dan mengikat sehingga seharusnya dapat berlaku juga secara konsisten terhadap permasalahan yang sama. Sementara itu, jika Mahkamah Konstitusi adalah sebagai the guardian of contitution, di sisi lain Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 adalah sebuah konstitusi negara Indonesia yang harus dijaga dan dijamin pelaksanaannya oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Dalam upaya menunjang pendidikan yang bermutu, pemerintah mengalokasikan anggaran minimal pendidikan sebesar 20% dari Anggaran Pendapatan Belanja Negara dan Daerah sebagaimana termaktub dalam UUD 1945. Namun sayangnya anggaran pendidikan sebesar 20% pada Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara (APBN) dan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah (APBD) hanya formalitas. Sementara itu, sejak tahun 2005 Mahkamah Konstitusi pernah memutus beberapa pengujian terkait anggaran minimal pendidikan. Diantaranya Mahkamah Konstitusi membatalkan dan menjadikan ketentuan ‘bertahap’ menjadi tidak berlaku. Tetapi diwaktu yang sama, Mahkamah Konstitusi juga memutus tidak dapat menerima (niet ontvankelijk verklaard) pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 26 Tahun 2004 yang belum menerapkan anggaran pendidikan minimal 20% pada APBN 2005. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif didapati bahwa pertimbangan dan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi turut mempengaruhi upaya mewujudkan anggaran minimal 20% bagi pendidikan. Hingga saat ini menurut Neraca Pendidikan Daerah yang diterbitkan Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud), masih banyak Kota dan Kabupaten yang mengalokasikan kurang dari 10 persen APBD untuk pendidikan.   Third Amendment of the Constitution 1945 of the Republic of Indonesia has established a Constitutional Court which asks for protection of the implementation of the mandate of the constitution and guarantees the implementation of constitutional rights for every Indonesian citizen. His verdict against the end and binding can finally be applied also against the end of the same. Meanwhile, if the Constitutional Court is the guardian of the constitution, on the other hand the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is the constitution of the Indonesian state which must be safeguarded and approved by the Constitutional Court. To support education, the government allocates a minimum education budget 20% of the State and regional Budget. However, the education budget of 20% of the State Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBN) and the Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget (APBD) are only formalities. Meanwhile, since 2005 the Constitutional Court has decided on several trials related to the minimum education budget. Among them, the Constitutional Court canceled and made the 'gradual' provision invalid. But at the same time, the Constitutional Court also decided that it could not accept (niet ontvankelijk verklaard) the review of Law Number 26 of 2004 which had not implemented a minimum education budget of 20% in the 2005 State Budget. By using the normative legal research method, found that the considerations and decisions of the Constitutional Court also influence efforts to realize a minimum budget of 20% for education. Until now, there are still many Cities and Regencies that allocate less than 10 percent of the APBD for education.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 1003
Author(s):  
Tafta Aji Prihandono ◽  
Sri Kusriyah Kusriyah ◽  
Widayati Widayati

In the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 Article 1 (3) explicitly states that Indonesia is a State of Law. One element that is owned by the state law is the fulfillment of basic human rights as expressed by Friedrich Julius Stahl. Efforts to achieve a constitution that can follow the progress and will meet the basic human rights, the constitution must have a dynamic aspect and were able to capture the phenomenon of historical change, so as to make it as a constitution that is always alive. Only problem is the performance of the Government as the executor of the constitution (executive, legislative and judicial) still do not provide justice and satisfaction for those seeking justice, therefore the necessary awareness of constitutional rights of citizens in Indonesia. Efforts to protect the constitutional rights of Indonesian citizens can be done through the court and non-court lines, and can also via maximize the role of the Constitutional Court to extend its authority. The expansion of the authority of the Constitutional Court may be to accommodate Constitutional Complaint and Constitutional Question.Keywords: Awareness; Constitutional Rights; Form of Protection.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 587-596
Author(s):  
Tifany Citrayantie ◽  
Mediaty . ◽  
Aini Indrijawati

The Republic of Indonesia's state revenue is used for the state budget to achieve public welfare, where one component of state revenue is from non-tax state revenue. The government maximizes the use of state-owned assets to optimize non tax state revenue, so that it can support tax revenues in financing the state. The purpose of the study was to determine and analyze the effect of partially or simultaneously the revaluation, inventory, and lease of state-owned assets on the optimization of non-tax state revenue. This research is a quantitative research, using a survey method that uses an instrument in the form of a questionnaire. The conclusions are revaluation, inventory, and lease of state-owned assets partially positive and significant effect on the optimization of non-tax state revenue; and the revaluation, inventory and lease of state-owned assets simultaneously have a positive and significant effect on the optimization of non-tax state revenue. Keywords: [Non-Tax State Revenue, Revaluation, Inventory, Lease, State-Owned Assets]


Author(s):  
Jackie Dugard

This article examines whether, to give effect to the section 26 constitutional right to adequate housing, courts can (or should) compel the state to expropriate property in instances when it is not just and equitable to evict unlawful occupiers from privately-owned land (unfeasible eviction). This question was first raised in the Modderklip case, where both the Supreme Court of Appeal (Modder East Squatters v Modderklip Boerdery (Pty) Ltd; President of the Republic of South Africa v Modderklip Boerdery (Pty) Ltd 2004 3 All SA 169 (SCA)) and Constitutional Court (President of the Republic of South Africa v Modderklip Boerdery (Pty) Ltd 2005 5 SA 3 (CC)). dodged the question, opting instead to award constitutional damages to the property owner for the long-term occupation of its property by unlawful occupiers. It is clear from cases such as Ekurhuleni Municipality v Dada 2009 4 SA 463 (SCA), that, mindful of separation of powers concerns, courts have until very recently been unwilling to order the state to expropriate property in such circumstances. At the same time, it is increasingly evident that the state has failed to fulfil its constitutional obligations to provide alternative accommodation for poor communities. In this context, this article argues that there is a growing need for the judiciary to consider, as part of its role to craft effective remedies for constitutional rights violations, the issue of judicial expropriation. It does so, first, through an analysis of the relevant jurisprudence on evictions sought by private landowners and, second, through an in-depth engagement of the recent Western Cape High Court case, Fischer v Persons Listed on Annexure X to the Notice of Motion and those Persons whose Identity are Unknown to the Applicant and who are Unlawfully Occupying or Attempting to Occupy Erf 150 (Remaining Extent) Phillipi, Cape Division, Province of the Western Cape; Stock v Persons Unlawfully Occupying Erven 145, 152, 156, 418, 3107, Phillipi & Portion 0 Farm 597, Cape Rd; Copper Moon Trading 203 (Pty) Ltd v Persons whose Identities are to the Applicant Unknown and who are Unlawfully Occupying Remainder Erf 149, Phillipi, Cape Town 2018 2 SA 228 (WCC).    


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mei Susanto

Doktrin Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) yang dahulu dipercaya hanya sebagai negative legislature telah bergeser menjadi positive legislature. Menjadi pertanyaan, apakah doktrin MK sebagai negative legislature maupun positive legislature, dapat pula dimaknai sebagai negative budgeter dan positive budgeter dalam pengujian Undang-Undang Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Negara (UU APBN). Berdasarkan hasil kajian konseptual dan pendalaman terhadap beberapa putusan MK dalam pengujian UU APBN, secara nyata dan dalam keadaan tertentu, doktrin MK sebagai negative legislature dapat dimaknai sebagai negative budgeter dalam bentuk pernyataan mata anggaran tertentu dalam UU APBN bertentangan dengan UUD 1945. Bahkan dapat pula dimaknai sebagai positive budgeter karena MK juga mengharuskan pemerintah dan DPR untuk menambahkan mata anggaran tertentu dalam UU APBN. Hal tersebut tidak lain sebagai bentuk diakuinya supremasi konstitusi, sehingga MK yang berperan sebagai the guardian constitution harus menjaganya. Apalagi dalam UUD 1945 terdapat pasal yang spesifik menyebut batas minimal anggaran pendidikan 20% dan pasal-pasal lain yang mengharuskan APBN harus dipergunakan untuk sebesar-besarnya kemakmuran rakyat.The doctrine of the Constitutional Court which was previously believed to be only as a negative legislature has shifted into positive legislature. The question, is the doctrine of the Constitutional Court as a negative legislature and a positive legislature can also be interpreted as a negative budgeter and a positive budgeter in the judicial review of the State Budget Law. Based on the result of conceptual study and deepening of several decisions of the Constitutional Court in the judicial review of the State Budget Law, in real and in certain circumtances, the doctrine of the Constitutional Court as a negative lagislature can be also interpreted as a negative budgetary in the form of specific budget items in the State Budget Law contradictory to the 1945 Constitution. Also as a positive budgeter because the Constitutional Court requires the executive and the legislative to add a specific budget in the State Budget Law. It is a form of recognition of constitutional supremacy, so that the Constitutional Court can role as the guardian constitution. Moreover in the 1945 Constitution there is a specific article that mentions the minimum limit of 20% education budget and other articles that require the state budget should be used for the greatest prosperity of the people.


AN-NISA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 372-383
Author(s):  
Ismail Aris

This article shows that the constitution or the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia can not be regarded as children's constitution which adopts the principles of child protection under the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It also shows that Indonesia is not serious about the theme of child protection discourse such as Ecuador, Egypt, Finland and South Africa in protecting, fulfilling and respecting and explicitly specifying the rights of children in its constitution. Based on the argument above, it is very urgent for Indonesia to do constitutionalism the rights of the child. Based on the principles that adopted by the convention on the right of the child as a solution as an effort to save and protect the rights of the child from negligence and neglect of the State to protect and fulfill the human rights and constitutional rights of the child. The effort of constitutionalism is also considered as a strengthening effort in the formation of legislation in the future as well as the basis or test stone of the Constitutional Court in handling the future judicial review of the Law which violates the norm on the protection of children's rights under the Constitution. In addition, it is urgent for constitutionalism and incorporates the idea of constitutional complaints in the Constitutional Court through the Constitution. Thus, as a basis for constitutional protection of the child if the State has neglect to protect the human rights and constitutional rights of the child by conducting constitutional complaint in the Constitutional Court, in order for the State to fulfill its constitutional obligations which have been regulated under the constitution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (25) ◽  
pp. 28 ◽  
Author(s):  
H Erli Salia

The Constitutional Court is the state agency that was born after the reform in 1999. Through the changes to the Constitution of 1945, the Constitutional Court is authorized to examine  laws (acts) against the Constitution. In addition there are other powers to protect the fundamental rights relating to the constitutional rights of citizens. As a state agency has the authority of the Constitutional Court, among others, as the supreme interpreter of the constitution in addition to realizing the democratic government, the Constitutional Court to act as the guardian of democracy, protection of constitutional rights of citizens and the protection of human rights.Key words: the rule of law, democracy, constitutional court


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Tri Mulyani

<p>Negara Indonesia adalah Negara hukum, artinya bahwa negara yang menempatkan hukum sebagai dasar kekuasaan negara dan penyelenggaraan kekuasaan tersebut dalam segala bentuknya dilakukan di bawah kekuasaan hukum. Sifat dari negara hukum hanya dapat ditunjukkan apabila alat-alat perlengkapan negara yaitu lembaga-lembaga negara bertindak menurut dan terikat kepada aturan-aturan yang telah ditetapkan. Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah Lembaga Tinggi Negara yang nama, fungsi dan kewenanganya dibentuk berdasarkan Konstitusi atau Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 yaitu: Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Mahkamah Agung, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan. Sehubungan dengan dasar pembentukan Lembaga Tinggi Negara adalah Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945, dan telah mengalami amandemen 4 kali maka struktur dan hubungan mereka dalam menjalakan tugas pemerintahan dari sebelum dan sesudah amandemen tentunya juga mengalami perubahan. Dengan pendekatan <em>yuridis normatif</em>, dan uraian yang diskriptif analisis, ditemukan jawaban bahwa struktur lembaga negara beserta hubungan diantara lembaga negara telah mengalami pergeseran setelah dilakukan amandemen. Pada dasarnya hubungan diantara lembaga negara tidak banyak mengalami perubahan. Namun perubahan itu justru tampak dalam struktur lembaga negaranya. Sebelum amandemen struktur lembaga negara terdiri dari MPR sebagai lembaga tertinggi, Presiden, DPR, DPA, BPK dan MA. Namun setelah dilakukan amandemen lembaga negara berkembang yaitu MPR, DPR, DPD, Presiden, MA, MK, dan BPK. Perbedaanya ada dipoint pengapusan istilah lembaga tertinggi, sehingga semua menjadi lembaga tinggi negara.</p><p> </p><p class="Default"><em>Indonesia is a country of law, meaning that the country as the law is the basis of state power and the implementation of the power in all its forms is done under the rule of law. The nature of the state law can only be shown if the scientific equipment is state state institutions and bound to act according to the rules that have been set. State Agency referred to in this research is the State Agency name, function and an arbitrary set up under the Constitution or the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, namely: President and Vice-President, People's Consultative Assembly, the House of Representatives, Regional Representatives Council, The Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Supreme Audit Agency. In connection with establishing the State Agency is the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945, and has undergone amendments 4 times the structures and their relationship to run the task of the government before and after the amendment would also change. With normative juridical approach, and a description of the descriptive analysis, found the answer that the structure of state institutions as well as the relationship between the state institutions have experienced a shift after the amendment. Basically the relationship between the state institutions has not changed much. But it is precisely looked into the institutional structure of the country. Prior to the amendment of the structure of state institutions consist of the Assembly as the highest institution, President, Parliament, DPA, BPK and MA. However, after the amendment of the developing state institutions, namely the MPR, DPR, DPD, President, Supreme Court, Constitutional Court, and the CPC. No difference dipoint term elimination highest institution, so all became state institutions. </em></p><p class="Default"><em> </em></p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-42
Author(s):  
Valentina Goleva ◽  
Vesela Mircheva

The study examines the role and place of the two major political institutions, namely government and parliament, in the preparation and adoption of the state budget. The importance of the state budget for the implementation of the political program for the management of the government, as well as the need for its public discussion in the parliament, is substantiated. That is why the annual state budget is adopted in the legal form of the law and the legislative procedure for its adoption is followed, focusing on its specifics. An analysis is presented of the position of the state budget in the budget system of the Republic of Bulgaria, and in particular – in the consolidated fiscal system. The legal regulation of the budgetary process is also examined, and its stages are monitored.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 407
Author(s):  
Nizammudin Nizammudin

Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 36/PUU-X/2012 tentang judicial review UU No. 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi telah menimbulkan perdebatan publik tentang sistem tata kelola minyak dan gas bumi di Indonesia. Adapun hasil yang ditemukan dalam penelitian ini yaitu, Pertama, konsep “hak menguasai negara” dalam Pasal 33 UUD 1945 secara filosofis berangkat dari konstruksi Pancasila yang memberikan kekuasaan kepada negara untuk campur tangan dalam pengelolaan sumber daya alam demi mewujudkan sebesar-besarnya kemakmuran rakyat, namun pada saat yang sama tetap memberikan peluang bagi kepemilikan perdata sepanjang tidak mendegradasi peran negara dalam pengambilan keputusan dan penentuan kebijakan. Kedua, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 36/PUU-X/2012 tidak membatasi kewenangan Pemerintah dan DPR untuk membentuk badan pengelola migas tertentu sejauh tidak bertentangan dengan opsi yang terdapat dalam pertimbangan hukum MK, yakni BUMN atau Pemerintah. Terminologi “Pemerintah” dalam pertimbangan hukum MK memiliki makna yang jauh lebih luas dan tak harus dibatasi pada Kementerian ESDM, namun mencakup pula BUMN atau badan independen yang mungkin dibentuk oleh pemerintah berdasarkan peraturan perundang-undangan.The Constitutional Court Decision No. 36 / PUU-X / 2012 concerning the unconstitutionality of BP Migas in Law No. 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas has provoked public debate about the management systems of Indonesian oil and gas. This study focuses on the following questions: First, what the meaning and the concept of the state control rights of oil and gas under the 1945 Constitution of The Republic of Indonesia?; Second, what what are the legal consequences of the Constitutional Court Decision No. 36/PUU-X/2012 on the national oil and gas management policy?. The results of the study shows the following conclusions. First, the concept of state’s rights in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia philosophically derived from the construction of Pancasila which empowers the state to involve in the management of natural resources in order to provide the prosperity of the people, but at the same time providing opportunities for private ownership as far as not to degrade the state's role in determining the decision-making and policy-making. Secondly, the Constitutional Court Decision No. 36/PUU-X/2012 does not limit the authority of the Government and the Parliament to form any oil and gas administrative body to the extent not contrary to the options proposed by the Constitutional Court, i.e. the state-owned enterprises or the government. The term ‘government’ in the legal consideration of the Constitutional Court has a much broader meaning and should not be limited to the Ministry of Energy, but also includes the SOE itself or an independent agency that may be established by the government based on the law.


2018 ◽  
pp. 41-58
Author(s):  
Anna Kuczyńska

The paper analyzes the decision-making process with respect to foreign policy and defense in the French Fifth Republic. The author discusses the constitutional rights of the President, Prime Minister and Parliament to emphasize that the notion of the exclusive domain (domaine réservé) of the head of the state has no legal grounds. In particular, she stresses the variations in the practice of exercising power in these terms under two distinct political situations: when the president and government are from the same political option, and when they are not. She notes that given the political homogeneity of the President and the majority in the National Assembly, the President, as the actual head of the unified party, becomes the focal point in the creation and implementation of the policies for ‘his’ France, in particular of the country’s foreign policy. This defies the stipulations of Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution, by virtue of which the government, headed by the Prime Minister, “determines and conducts the policy of the nation.” The paper devotes considerable space to an analysis of the political influence of cohabitation, i.e. the coexistence of a President of the Republic and a majority in the National Assembly who represent different political orientations. This characterized the political system of France for nine years (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002) during the evolution of the actual dependency on the Presidential and Prime Ministerial power axis (or the Elysée–Matignon axis, as these state organs are commonly referred to) in the process of shaping and conducting the international and European policy of the state. The role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken into account regarding the outcome of these changeable relations.


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