scholarly journals Praktyka precedensowa w porządku prawa stanowionego. Podstawowe czynniki warunkujące

2017 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Leszek Leszczyński
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Social Acceptance ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Legal Doctrine ◽  
Judicial Practice ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
Operational Interpretation ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Common

PRECEDENTIAL PRACTICE IN THE STATUTORY LEGAL ORDER.BASIC DETERMINING FACTORSThe purpose of the paper deals with the consideration of the several basic factors determining the development of the precedential practice in the statutory legal order. Such practice might be defined at the using the previous judicial decisions in the actual decisional process in the validation or derivative aspects of the operational interpretation of law, with potential adaptation of some so­lutions from the common law order. Among the favorable factors for the shaping of this practice one might find the maturity and the positive attitude of the judiciary, features of the specific decision-making process, the attitude of the legal doctrine, social acceptance of the active role of the judiciary bringing potentially ethical correction to the legislative regulations, the technical and informational skill in identification of the needed decisions, the reliable evaluation of the candidate for the position of judge, as well as the functioning of the principles of division of powers, rule of law and independence of judiciary, being elements of the democratic political system. On the contrary, the autocratic political system keeps the position of the strongest counter­-favorable factor to the precedential practice. One of the reasons deals with lack of the control of such practice from the center of political power, what brings the instruments that through the de­gradation of the above mentioned principles of democratic system, restrict the precedential judicial practice.

scholarly journals HENRI LÉVY-BRUHL’S DOCTRINE ON LAW AND ON THE FORMATION OF LEGAL SCIENCE OF A NEW TYPE

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 58-66
Author(s):  
Владимир Пужаев ◽  
Vladimir Puzhaev
Keyword(s):  
Scientific Discipline ◽  
Sociology Of Law ◽  
Legal Anthropology ◽  
Legal Doctrine ◽  
Judicial Practice ◽  
True Source ◽  
History Of ◽  
New Type ◽  
History Of Law

The article is devoted to the investigation of legal ideas of Henri Lévy-Bruhl, a French lawyer and sociologist of the XX century, who is considered to be one of the founders of contemporary sociology of law, legal ethnography and legal anthropology. The author of the article analyzes the late articles of Henri Lévy-Bruhl. The author of the article examines the notion “juristique”, introduced by the French professor, and investigates its methodological and substantial peculiarities. As a scientific discipline, “juristique” was supposed to be shaped through the integration of sociology of law, history of law and comparative law into a body. The author also pays special attention to H. Lévy-Bruhl’s theoretical views on the question of law and mechanisms of its formation, on subjects of law-making and sources of law. In particular, the author considers Lévy-Bruhl’s views of collective opinion as the only true source of law, customs’ priority over legislation among all forms of law, judicial practice as the modality of a custom. The key role of Durkheim’s sociology in the shaping of Henri Lévy-Bruhl’s legal views is also highlighted. Henri Lévy-Bruhl’s particular ideas are compared with the doctrine of historical school of law. The final part of the article is devoted to formulating a series of theses which reflect the peculiarities of Henri Lévy-Bruhl’s legal views and his role in contemporary legal doctrine.

scholarly journals Fest and revolt In Alboroto y Motín de Indios de México / Fiesta y revuelta en Alboroto y Motín de indios de México

2020 ◽  
pp. 44-56
Author(s):  
Leonor Taiano
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Active Role ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Collective Consciousness ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Third ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Common

Este estudio examina la manera cómo Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora describe el binomio fiesta-revuelta en Alboroto y motín de indios de México. La investigación está estructurada en cinco partes. La primera toma como punto de partida el concepto de polis y los órdenes que rigen el bien común. La segunda alude a la percepción del fasto desde las diferentes perspectivas de los miembros de la polis novohispana. La tercera parte analiza la importancia del letrado en la organización virreinal. En la cuarta parte se examina el papel activo de las indias en la organización y desarrollo de la revuelta. Finalmente, en la quinta parte, propongo la existencia de una conciencia colectiva plebeya en el virreinato de Nueva España. A través de este análisis se llega a conclusión de que el motín de 1692 presenta las características propias de las revueltas que tuvieron lugar en los territorios españoles a lo largo del siglo XVII, en los cuales, durante el momento festivo, surgía una acción contestataria que trataba de imponer la isonomía en la polis This research analyses how Carlos de Sigüenza and Góngora describes the dichotomy of festivity-revolt in Alboroto y motín de Indios de México. This study is structured in five parts. The first one takes as its starting point the concept of polis and the regulations for the common good. The second one alludes to the Spanish splendor produced in the different members of Novohispanic polis. The third part analyses the letrado’s function within the viceregal organization. The fourth part examines the active role of Female Indigenous in the revolt’s organization and development. Finally, in the fifth part, I propose the existence of a Plebeian collective consciousness within the viceroyalty of New Spain. Through this analysis, the study concludes that the revolt that took place In 1692 has all the characteristics of the revolts that happened in the Spanish territories throughout the 17th century, in which, during a celebratory event, there could arise insurrectionary actions to impose the isonomia in the polis.

Enquête sur le rapport des journalistes à la démocratie : le rôle de médiateur en question

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-710 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Gingras
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
Liberal Societies ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
Selection Of

Résumé.Dans ce texte, nous tentons d'évaluer le rôle sociopolitique des journalistes en posant les éléments fondamentaux d'une conceptualisation du rôle des médias en démocratie et en analysant les résultats d'une recherche empirique sur l'engagement des journalistes envers la démocratie menée de l'été 2008 au printemps 2010. Notre étude prend appui sur la dichotomie entre un rôle actif des médias et un rôle instrumental face au système politique, dichotomie que nous faisons porter sur les journalistes. Nous prétendons que les médias et les journalistes jouent le rôle de « médiateurs » dans les sociétés libérales, c'est-à-dire d'agents individuels ou collectifs par qui transitent des messages explicites ou implicites; ces agents ajoutent une couche de sens par diverses méthodes dont la sélection des nouvelles, la hiérarchisation des sujets ou le cadrage de personnes ou d'événements.Abstract.This paper aims to assess the sociopolitical role of journalists through a conceptual approach linking media and democracy and through an analysis of the data resulting from an investigation of journalists' commitment to democracy that was conducted from the summer of 2008 to the spring of 2010. Our study is founded on the dichotomy between an active role for the media and an instrumental one in the face of the political system, and this dichotomy is applied to journalists. We believe that the media and journalists function as “mediators” in liberal societies, that is, as individual or collective agents through whom explicit or implicit messages pass; these agents add a layer of signification by diverse methods, among which are the selection of news, the categorization of issues or the framing of individuals or events.

Ethnic Democracy and the Legal Construction of Citizenship: Arab Citizens of the Jewish State

1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 432-443 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoav Peled
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Common ◽  
Civil And Political Rights

The citizenship status of its Arab citizens is the key to Israel's ability to function as anethnic democracy, that is, a political system combining democratic institutions with the dominance of one ethnic group. The confluence of republicanism and ethnonationalism with liberalism, as principles of legitimation, has resulted in two types of citizenship: republican for Jews and liberal for Arabs. Thus, Arab citizens enjoy civil and political rights but are barred from attending to the common good.The Arab citizenship status, while much more restricted than the Jewish, has both induced and enabled Arabs to conduct their political struggles within the framework of the law, in sharp contrast to the noncitizen Arabs of the occupied territories. It may thus serve as a model for other dominant ethnic groups seeking to maintain both their dominance and a democratic system of government.

scholarly journals DESENTRALISASI PENDIDIKAN DAN PERAN AKTIF MASYARAKAT MENUUJU PENDIDIKAN BERKUALITAS

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Ervannudin Dan Bima Wahyu Widodo
Keyword(s):  
Positive Impact ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Education Quality ◽  
Resource Potential ◽  
Delegation Of Authority ◽  
The Face ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Negative Impacts ◽  
Nations Community

<p align="center">Abstract<strong></strong></p><p>Education is the key for a country to win the competition in today's era. The era of globalization has had implications for all aspects of our lives. Both positive and negative impacts. The positive impact of these developments such as the implementation of democracy in our country. The democratic system automatically make decentralization as a way to run this system. Decentralization as an attempt delegation of authority from superiors to subordinates to achieve a common goal.Decentralization of education to make officials and actors in the region have the authority to regulate and manage their own their own potential. However, there are many things that keep pace with the development of this run. As well as the opportunities, challenges, obstacles and the active role of society towards quality education. Opportunities that looks real is the potential of what we have. Such as human resource potential is quite large. These opportunities coupled with the implementation of MEAs in the year 2016. MEA becomes the arena for success not only in our country alone, but without success on the international arena area. As for the obstacles that lurk is the readiness of all elements of education in this country in the face of these challenges. However, we need not fear because we had something different from other nations. Community participation into something different and distinctive for the nation of Indonesia. </p><p><strong>Key Word :</strong> Decentralization, Education, Quality<strong></strong></p><p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Pendidikan adalah kunci bagi suatu negara untuk memenangkan persaingan di era sekarang ini. Era globalisasi membawa dampak bagi segala lini kehidupan kita. Dampak positif maupun dampak negatif. Dampak positif dari perkembangan ini seperti terlaksananya demokrasi di negara kita. Sistem demokrasi dengan otomatis menjadikan desentralisasi sebagai jalan untuk menjalankan sistem ini. Desentralisasi sebagai upaya pelimpahan wewenang dari atasan kepada bawahan untuk mencapai tujuan bersama. Desentralisasi pendidikan menjadikan pejabat dan pelaku di daerah memiliki wewenang untuk mengatur dan mengelola sendiri potensinya sendiri. Namun demikian ada banyak hal yang mengikuti dengan perkembangan yang dijalankan ini. Seperti halnya peluang, tantangan, hambatan serta peran aktif masyarakat untuk menuju pendidikan yang berkualitas. Peluang yang terlihat nyata adalah potensi dari apa yang kita miliki. Seperti potensi sumber daya manusia yang cukup besar. Peluang ini ditambah dengan diberlakukannya MEA pada tahun 2016 ini. MEA menjadi arena untuk meraih kesuksesan bukan hanya di negara kita saja tetapi meraih sukses pada kancah kawasan internasional. Adapun hambatan yang mengintai adalah kesiapan segenap elemen pendidikan di negara ini dalam menghadapi tantangan ini. Namun demikian kita tidak perlu takut karena kita punya sesuatu yang berbeda dari bangsa lain. Peran serta masyarakat menjadi sesuatu yang berbeda dan khas bagi bangsa indonesia.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci :</strong> Desentralisasi, Pendidikan, Kualitas.</p>

The Role of the External Factor in the Processes of Democratic Transition

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwar Faraj ◽  
Jalil Ali
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
External Factor ◽  
The State ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Common

The democratic transition is one of the common terms in academic and societal circles, but it is noticeable that there are discussions and differences of opinions about how to transform from a non-democratic system to a democratic one. Among the things that are disputed is the question; Is the priority given to internal factors or external factors in the transfers? Can democracy be imposed if the state is not internally qualified to accept the transition? This research attempts to address the role of the external factor in the processes of democratic transition by standing on the contribution of theoretical literatures presented in the field of political science and international relations on this topic.

scholarly journals Sources of Formation of Legal Positions of Russian Highest Judicial Bodies

2021 ◽  
pp. 130-142
Author(s):  
Mariia Viktorovna Globa
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Doctrine ◽  
Judicial Practice ◽  
Legal Method ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Russian Federation

The present study is devoted to determining the place and role of legal positions of higher judicial bodies of Russia (judicial legal positions) in the mechanism of legal regulation. Let us specify in advance that the author means the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation (taking into account the 2014 amendments made to the legislation concerning the liquidation of the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation) as the higher judicial bodies of Russia. Establishing the meaning and role of judicial legal positions in the mechanism of legal regulation is carried out by the author of this study through the analysis and demonstration of the main sources of formation of legal positions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation. In this regard, the author of this work identifies as sources of formation of judicial legal positions: legal and non-legal. Non-legal sources of formation of legal positions of the highest courts of Russia differ from the legal ones in the fact that initially they do not have material expression, exist in the abstract, however, have no less importance for the process of formation of judicial legal positions. To the legal sources of creating legal positions of the highest judicial bodies of Russia the author includes: formal sources of law, current legal practice, legal doctrine. As non-legal sources of formation of legal positions of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation are: the inner conviction of a judge and professional legal consciousness of a judge. The author of this scientific research consistently reveals the importance and role of each source of formation of judicial legal positions. The conducted study of the most significant sources of formation of judicial legal positions allowed to better understand the place of legal positions of higher courts of Russia in the legal system and their role in legal regulation, which is reduced not just to the interpretation of judicial acts, but also to the formation of new legal provisions, which ultimately form a uniform judicial practice. Methodological basis of the study consisted of: analysis, synthesis, comparative-legal method, deduction, induction and other ways of knowledge used in science. Scientific conclusions and proposals contained in this work may serve as a basis for further theoretical study of the problems of judicial legal positions and used in the activities of legislative and law enforcement bodies.

scholarly journals Det samiske sivilsamfunnet i Sametinget og i samepolitikken1

2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Advocacy Role ◽  
And Control ◽  
The Relationship

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.

E Pluribus Unum

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Political System ◽  
Common Law ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
American Colonies ◽  
The Common ◽  
Do So

This book examines the role of the common law in the life and politics of Great Britain’s North American colonies from the founding of Virginia in 1607 to the outbreak of the American Revolution in 1775–76. The main theme of the book is that when the different colonies were initially founded, they followed very different law—typically not the common law of England. But over the course of the seventeenth century and first half of the eighteenth century, the colonies all received the common law, with the result that by the 1750s the common law constituted the foundation of every colony’s law and every colony’s political system. Some of the colonies adopted the common law because of pressure from the Crown to do so, but others turned to the common law because of socioeconomic pressures on the ground. During the more than century-long process of reception, the common law gradually changed, and thus, what was on the ground in 1776 was not identical to the common law of England. Rather, it was a body of rules that would constitute a foundation for an Americanized version of the common law.

scholarly journals From Revolution to "Refolution" A Study of Hizb al Tahrir, Its Changes and Trajectories in the Democratic Context of Indonesia (2000-2009)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohammad Iqbal Ahnaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Strategic Balance

<p><b>Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is a part of an international network organization called Hizb al-Tahrir (HT). The organization is commonly portrayed as an "anti-system" movement that seeks to overthrow democracy and revives the past transnational rule of the khilafah (caliphate). This view is justified by the doctrine of HT that promotes a revolutionary strategy of non-participation and envisages a political change outside the parliamentary process of democracy. Based on this ideology, many see the future of HT in its role of radicalizing Muslims that eventually lead to violence.</b></p> <p>This study evaluates the consistency of HTI in following its revolutionary strategy of non-participation. It argues that HTI is undertaking a strategic shift from a total non-participation to a selective participation. It establishes a strategic balance between revolution and reform by taking part in the democratic system for stirring opposition toward the existing political system. HTI focuses on challenging the legitimacy of democracy while at the same time engages with the supporting institutions and actors of the democratic system. This strategy resembles the model of political change called by Oxford University's political scientist, Timothy Garton Ash, "refolution." It aims to overthrow the existing political system without overthrowing the political regime. It seeks entry into the system to covert key elements of power holders and to persuade them to undertake a fundamental change from democracy to an Islamic government based on shari'ah law.</p> <p>This change is inevitable for HTI to adjust itself to the democratic context of Indonesia that integrates the majority of Muslims in the democratic system. This presence of Muslim actors in the system has created a perception of political opportunity for Islamization that prevents HTI from confronting the existing political process. This stance betrays HTI's revolutionary doctrine that requires it to uncompromisingly undermine the legitimacy of the democratic system and propagate political detachment. However, HTI understands that opposition to the Muslim involvement in the democratic process can isolate it from its most potential allies.</p> <p>Based on this, this study calls attention to the trajectory of HT outside the box of violent and revolutionary activism. The above path is especially likely for HT that operates in the context of Muslim democracies. HTI offers an alternative strategy toviolent activism and the moderate trend of Islamist movements. Evidence shows HTI is building support bases for the establishment of a pro-shari'ah or anti-system politics, either in the form of starting a new party or in creating a coalition between the existing parties.</p> <p>To support this argument, this study analyzes the nature of HTI's activities and its attitude toward the democratic structure. It is primarily based on a content analysis of HTI's discourse and activities recorded in two of its main publications: Al-Islam weekly bulletin and Al-Wa'ie monthly magazine. These sources cover HTI's activism from 2000 to 2009.</p> <p>Methodologically, it follows references and activities relating to key elements of Indonesian democracy (such as state ideology, democracy, election, the government, House of Representative, and political parties) and elements of Muslim society that are part of the democratic system. Drawing on the theories of political change, the analysis is based on the scope of change and the degree of opposition it promotes. Cases are analysed on a scale of 1 to 3 that represents moderate, radical and extreme. The finding shows mixed attitudes with a significant portion of radical character. This confirms the character of "refolutionary" strategy: it focuses on challenging political system over political institutions and combines political participation with anti-democratic campaign.</p>

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