scholarly journals From “pizzini” to social media channel: The mediatic storytelling of mafia language

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 191-199
Author(s):  
Francesco Pira

From “pizzini” to social media channel: The mediatic storytelling of mafia language  We intend to provide an analysis of how the media representation of the mafia language has turned into storytelling and how this has influenced public opinion and the perception of organ­ized crime in Italian society. The communicative style of the mafia has always been characterized as the result of communication “by subtraction”. From the nineteenth-century oral tradition, through the “pizzini”, to the use of information technologies to manage financial flows and illicit trafficking, they always made us of an essential communication, a conspiratorial language. In the most critical phase of the conflict between the Italian state institutions and criminal organizations, the strategy of the mafia included actions supposed to maintain its media representation, with the aim of instilling fear and uncertainty in citizens and to demonstrate its strength and its control over the territory. This distorted representation of reality facilitates the exercise of the “sweet power” of organized crime, which operates in a more unseen way, increasing its influence. This evolution is immersed in the social context, where culture and knowledge are threatened by the increasing in­ability of individuals to interpret reality. 

Author(s):  
Agnes Bodis

Abstract International education constitutes a key industry in Australia and international students represent a third of university students at Australian universities. This paper examines the media representation of international students in terms of their English language proficiency. The study applies Critical Discourse Analysis to the multimodal data of an episode of a current affairs TV program, Four Corners, and social media comments made to the episode. Using Social Actor Analysis, the study finds that the responsibility for declining standards at universities is assigned to international students through representations of their language use as problematic. This is supported by the visual representation of international students as different. By systematically mapping out the English-as-a-problem discourse, the paper finds that the media representation of language proficiency and language learning is simplistic and naïve and the social media discussion reinforces this. This further contributes to the discursive exclusion of international students.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Resul Sinani

The usage of social media by Kosovar politicians is almost absolute. Politicians of all levels have their accounts on Facebook as well as other social networks. They use those for various reasons, starting from contacting the voters and supporters during the election campaigns as well as during the time they are in the office, up to presenting their stands and ideas that have do with different issues of public interest. For many of them, especially for low-level politicians the social media, mainly Facebook, have become the only place where they express themselves, since they find it almost impossible to become a part of the traditional media, especially of those on the national level, like newspapers, radio or television. Whereas for high-leveled politicians, concretely the heads of main institutions like the prime-minister, the head of parliament or the president, who refuse to be interviewed and be present in political shows where they could face questions from the journalists or the public, they are using Facebook statements in order to avoid direct questions from the journalists about the political subjects of the day. By making it impossible for them to take direct answers through their journalists the traditional media (newspapers, radio, TV) have to quote the posts that the politicians are making on Facebook. The kosovar journalists and the heads of media see this tendency of politicians, especially of the prime minister as the lack of transparency, avoidance of accountability, control of information and setting the agenda of the media. This paper attempts to argument the hypothesis that the high level politicians, the heads of main state institutions in Kosovo are controlling the information in traditional media through the usage of social media. In order to argument this hypothesis as a case study we have taken the Kosovar (ex)PM Hashim Thaçi whose almost every status and update has been quoted by the media. We have also interviewed journalists and editors of Kosovar media houses who have expressed their thoughts about the subject, while supporting the hypothesis of this paper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-368
Author(s):  
Arbanur Rasyid

Hate Speech  has recently become a warm conversation, not only in the media, but has begun to be discussed in scientific forums as a result of the many characters who are ensnared by hate speech due to making uploads in Social Media that is considered insulting to other people or state institutions by making a statement containing elements of hate speech in accordance with the criminal threat in Article 28 paragraph 2 of Law number 19 of 2016 amendment to law number 11 of 2008. Long before the law talks about hate speech, Islam through the Qur'an speaks a lot about how God denounces the actions of people who insult, berate, speak ill of others and make hoaxes, and Allah threatens sin for those who do it . Even in the history of Islam through the Prophet Muhammad had given a caning to people who make hoaxes, and the sentence in the Islamic criminal law is called Ta'zir, thus Islam is very careful and highly respects the human rights of a person including in protecting the soul and someone's honor


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (8) ◽  
pp. 347
Author(s):  
Peter Konhäusner ◽  
Robert Seidentopf

In the marketing mix, promotion is mentioned as using the communication channels available to present and market the product or service at hand. In recent years, social media has risen as an influential marketing communication channel in digital space. Apart from end-to-end direct messengers and video communication in times of the COVID-19 pandemic, the social media channel Clubhouse offers an audio-only experience. The current research lacks analysis of the potential influence of the hyped social network. Due to the novelty of the channel and the absence of text messages as well as visual stimuli, questions regarding the impact that usage of this social media channel might have on crowdfunding, a means of rising popularity in alternative financing, have arisen. The study builds upon the media richness theory of Daft and Lengel as well as the channel expansion theory of Carlson and Zmud. Besides literature research, explorative expert interview analyses were applied to answer the research question at hand. The main findings include different approaches to foster the opportunities of Clubhouse for marketing crowdfunding campaigns in line with insights about the user group of Clubhouse as well as development options for the platform.


Multilingua ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes Bodis

AbstractInternational students studying at Australian universities are largely represented in the media as problematic speakers of English, in part due to the dominance of the monolingual mindset as an approach to language. This paper focuses instead on international students’ multilingualism and examines the multimodal media representation of them as multilingual speakers. This study presents a thematic language ideological analysis of an episode of an Australian current affairs television program, Four Corners, and social media discussion of the episode and explores the way language ideologies work in the context. It shows that multilingual practices and speakers are stigmatized through the textual and multimodal representation of languages other than English (LOTE). Findings show that the multilingualism of international students and competencies available through LOTE are largely rendered invisible and students are constructed through a ‘double deficit’ view. They are thus not seen as multilingual speakers but deficient English speakers and this deficiency indexes other deficits. Where LOTE becomes visible, it is represented as a problem. The results also show that the social media discussions further amplify the language ideologies of the episode. The implications are considered for media representation and for universities to shift the focus to English language as a medium of instruction only and end ‘language blindness’ for improved social inclusion.


The article deals with the media coverage of memorial initiatives in Kharkiv during the era of Ukrainian independence. The study focuses on print and electronic media coverage of around 100 monuments and sculptural compositions constructed in the city between 1991 and 2019. When analyzing the body of publications, the author pays attention to the thematic spectrum and architectonics of messages about monumental sites of memory. The study finds that the intensity of the coverage of the installation and unveiling of monuments is not determined by the memorial value or merits of the commemorated historical figures. Other factors are more important – such as the participation of authorities in commemorative events. Furthermore, mass media rarely report the opinions of experts and city residents regarding sites of memory. It is often representatives of the authorities who are given the opportunity to voice the motives for commemoration and talk about the significance of memorial sites, rather than the immediate initiators, especially if the latter are not state institutions but public bodies. However, there have been positive changes in this area: independent and opposition media have begun to propose different practices for covering the opening of monuments, centering precisely on the agents of memory and their motives. They are also expanding the thematic range of messages, more fully covering the process of decision-making and related discussions. In the author’s view, these developments should be thought of not only as a counterweight to pro-government practices of covering memorial initiatives, but also as an important tool for shaping a culture of memory and building a civil society. In addition, broad public dialogue on memorial initiatives in the city between representatives of various political and professional communities is becoming more essential in the current climate. After all, there is a growing need and demand for seeing monumental sites of memory not only as an ideological resource or a tool for symbolic marking of territory, but also as a means of creating a positive and competitive image of the city.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 77 ◽  
Author(s):  
János József Tóth

A kutatás során az európai népszavazások tudományos folyóiratokban és a szociális médiában megjelent médiareprezentációinak geográfiai eloszlását vizsgálom. A vizsgálatot egy 85 Scopus-indexált, európai első vagy egyszerzős, 2010 és 2016 közt megjelent, népszavazásokra fókuszáló cikkből, valamint több mint 70 ezer, a 2017-es Katalán Függetlenségi Népszavazáshoz kapcsolódó szociális média említésből álló mintán végeztem el. Az eredményeket az információs- és a platform-imperializmus elméleti keretein belül értelmezem. Első lépésben bemutattam, hogy az európai népszavazások médiareprezentációja során alkotott szövegek nyugati vállalatok tulajdonában lévő platformokon jelennek meg, és ezeken keresztül fejtik ki hatásukat; mind a tudományos, mind pedig a szociális média platformok esetében. E szövegek presztízse és elérése elválaszthatatlanul és tartalomtól függetlenül összefonódik a közvetítésükre használt platformmal, megmutatva, hogy a technológiailag mediált tér felosztásában néhány erős nyugati ország transznacionális cégeinek dominanciája érvényesül. A tudományos szövegek esetében ez a dominancia plurálisabb, megosztottabb: az észak-amerikaiak mellett a nagy akadémiai kereskedelmi kiadók közt jelentős nyugat-európai szereplők is megtalálhatóak, az indexáló szolgáltatások esetén pedig 2016-tól jelentős ázsiai érdekeltségekről is beszélhetünk. A szociális média említések esetében ellenben az egyesült államokbeli platformok eltéveszthetetlen hegemóniájával találjuk szemben magunkat, amik totálisan uralják a közönséghez vezető csatornákat. --- Platform-imperialism in science and social media: A case study of texts produced on European referendums between 2010 and 2017 In this research I examine the geographical distribution of media representations of European referendums published in scientific journals and social media. The examination was conducted on a sample consisting of 85 SCOPUS-indexed articles with European first or single authors focused on referendums and published between 2010 and 2016, and of more than 70k social media mentions of the Catalan independence referendum of 2017 from the same year. I interpreted the results within the theoretical framework of information- and platform imperialism. At first, I demonstrated that texts crafted for the media representation of European referendums are published on, and exert their influence through platforms owned by Western companies; both in the case of scientific and social media platforms. The prestige and reach of these texts are inseparably interwoven with the mediating platform, showing that transnational companies from a few Western countries dominate the division of the technologically mediated space studies during the research. In the case of scientific texts, the dominance is more diverse and plural. Besides big North-American players, there are major commercial academic publishers from Western Europe, and if abstracting and indexing services are considered then it can be observed that Asia has had a significant share in this business, at least since 2016. However, when social media references are considered an unmistakable hegemony of platforms from the United States, totally dominating audience reach can be observed. Keywords: platform-imperialism, science imperialism, European referendums, spatial scientometrics, mention analysis


Author(s):  
Hikmet Tosyalı

Technology is one factor that has formed the basis for change in the media throughout history. Analog data and information shared by verbal, visual or written methods are now stored, processed, reproduced and shared in digital format due to developments in information technologies. On the other hand, social media, which is an important part of the digital media system, has become an important medium for political communication studies due to its prevalence and big data. As political actors better understand the value of data sets of millions of users, their interest in social media has also increased. However, this growing interest has also brought concerns such as digital profiling, informatics surveillance, systematic disinformation, and privacy violations. It has long been discussed that the practices of governments and technology companies for creating a structure similar to the gatekeeping in traditional media by taking social media under control. In recent years, some of these discussions are (ro)bot accounts on social media because online social networks are no longer just connecting people. Machines talk and interact with people, and even machines do this with other machines. Automatic posts made by bot accounts through algorithms to imitate people’s behavior on social media are liked, reposted or commented on by people and other bots. Bots that make political shares are also used by political actors worldwide, especially during election periods. Politicians use political bots to appear more popular on social media, disrupt their rivals’ communication strategies, and manipulate public opinion. This study aimed to reveal the effects of bots on political communication. After explaining the concepts of propaganda, algorithm, bot and computational propaganda, how political bots could affect the public sphere and elections were discussed in the light of current political communication literature.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Dr. Neha Sharma

Language being a potent vehicle of transmitting cultural values, norms and beliefs remains a central factor in determining the status of any nation. India is a multilingual country which tends to encourage people to use English at national and international level. Basically English in India owes its presence to the British but its subsequent rise is not fully attributable to the British. It has now become the language of wider communication which is now spoken by large number of people all over the world. It is influenced by many factors such as class, society, developments in science and technology etc. However the major influence on English language is and has been the media.


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