The practice of terror by Soviet workers in the fight against banditry in the Osinsky District of the Perm Governorate during the Civil War

Author(s):  
Angela V. Dolgova

During the Civil War, Soviet workers had to fight against desertion and banditry. Since the majority of the country’s population was the peasantry, a confrontation arose with the Soviet government of that part of it that could not accept it. More often than not, peasants fell under such Bolshevik propaganda labels as “white gangs” or “gangs of deserters”, which had spread through the efforts of the party-Soviet propaganda machine. According to archival documents, local Soviet workers used terror not only to suppress resistance, but also as a forced measure caused by the real military-political situation in the Perm Governorate. The fight for the establishment of the power of the Soviets was fought against banditry, not desertion, and was fierce. Consequently, the widespread thesis in the history of the Civil War in the Perm Governorate about mass desertion is nothing more than an assumption. The line of the Eastern Front passed next to the Osinsky District, so the most fierce fight unfolded here, which in turn had an impact on the military-political situation in the governorate as a whole.

2020 ◽  
pp. 451-468
Author(s):  
I. V. Skipina ◽  
V. V. Moskovkin

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of presentation of the phenomenon of “Perm disaster” by modern researchers of the Civil War in Russia. The purpose of the article is to analyze publications published in the last decade on the history of the military operation near Perm in December 1918, to summarize and determine the prospects for studying this issue. It is noted that historians have established the causes, course and results of the operation. It is reported that today it is seen as a prologue to a cardinal change in the situation on the Eastern Front. The authors claim that as a result of the Perm operation, contemporaries witnessed not only the defeat of the Red Army, but also the manifestation of the power of the Bolshevik dictatorship. The conclusions made by researchers are summarized: Permian events led to an aggravation of the military, socio-economic, and political situation on the Eastern Front and had a negative impact on everyday life. It is shown how modern historians have determined the significance of these events for their participants: the Bolsheviks came to the decision to intensify terror, the white - to the conclusion that a general offensive was necessary, the population - to the understanding of the world as the most important life value. It is emphasized that the most promising in the study of the topic has become an integrated approach based on the rejection of politicization and myth-making of the revolutionary past.


2021 ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Vasily Zh. Tsvetkov ◽  

The publication of documentary materials reflects the history of the organization and conducting of the retreat of the units of Admiral A.V. Kolchak’s Eastern Front and the evacuation of civilian refugees from Omsk and other cities in Siberia in November 1919 – January 1920. The article considers the issues of the technical condition and operation of the TRANSSiberian railway and, in particular, the functioning of the rolling stock. Those aspects for the history of the Civil War in the East of Russia to this day remain poorly studied. Evidence is provided on the state of the military, refugee and civil trains, and about the situation of passengers. Consistently and with the involvement of documentary material, the stages of the preparation and implementation of evacuation measures are described, and the reasons for the failure of planned decisions are analyzed. The article presents evidence on the consequences of full-scale disaster with the railway accident that became part of the Civil War history in Siberia. The materials from the State Archives of the Russian Federation that have not been widely used in scientific research and have not been published yet, as well as some previously published documentary evidence, were used. The study of that aspect of the Civil War history in Siberia allows to get an idea of not only the military, but also of the political importance that the TRANS-Siberian railway played in the absence of developed transport communications in the East of Russia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 458-466
Author(s):  
Yuri N. Timkin ◽  

The article draws on archival materials of the State Archive of the Kirov Region and those of the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Kirov Region to examine the development of uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) in the Vyatka gubernia in late 1918 and the first half of 1919. In late 1918 the Vyatka gubernia became the Civil War battleground. When Perm was taken, the White Guard began to threaten Vyatka. Meanwhile, the political situation in the gubernia was tense; peasants, townspeople, and workers had their grievances against the Bolshevik policies. The existing uezd organizations of the ARCP (B) were unprepared to work in the immediate battle area. Fearing for the fate of the Eastern front, the Central Committee of the party sent a commission to Vyatka headed by Stalin and Dzerzhinsky. It was to carry out a wide range of measures to reorganize party and Soviet work. The power was taken by the Military Revolutionary Committee. The novelty of the study is in the fact that archival materials are used to assess the circumstances of the ARCP (B) organizations. These circumstances can be defined as those of a permanent crisis; the party organizations were ill-adapted to the extraordinary conditions of the Civil War. The narrowing of the party’s social base caused, first of all, by food policies forced the gubernia committee to cleanse party organizations and staff them up with well trusted personnel. The author has introduced into scientific use some previously unknown facts. The analysis of archival material allows to conclude that party work lapsed because party organizations seemed ineffective in the days of the anti-Soviet uprisings of summer and autumn of 1918 and while the Civil War raged. Conflicts, squabbles, intra-party struggles became an everyday occurrence. Party organizations constantly faced infiltration of persons with opposing views who sought to avoid mobilization or improve their financial situation.


Author(s):  
В.В. Хутарев-Гарнишевский

Публикуемый источник является отрывком из дневника депутата Московской городской Думы Н.П. Вишнякова (1844-1927). Автор лично не принимал участия в боевых действиях, но находился в самом эпицентре боевых действий между «красными» и «белыми», так как проживал с семьей в центре города. Именно эти события часто называют началом полноценной Гражданской войны. Его дневник отражает психологическое состояние мирного горожанина, оказавшегося заложником гражданского противостояния на улицах Москвы.Особый интерес представляют описания особенностей быта москвичей, циркулирующие среди них слухи, домыслы, их надежды и страхи, а также поведенческие стратегии различных социальных слоев. Особую ценность представляет то, что автор делал свои записи два-три раза в день, подробно фиксируя происходящее. Подобного рода источники крайне немногочисленны.Мемуарное и эпистолярное наследие Н.П. Вишнякова давно признано уникальным источником по истории общественно-политической, культурной и экономической жизни Москвы, но никогда не было опубликовано полностью. Лишь дважды публиковались небольшие отрывки.Данная публикация является частью работы по подготовке полного издания эпистолярного наследия Н.П. Вишнякова, который был вовлечен почти во все политические и экономические процессы Москвы времен правления императора Николая II. Он был депутатом (гласным) Московской Думы с 1873 по 1917 гг. с пятилетним перерывом в 1892--1897 гг., мировым судьей, известным ученым-геологом и краеведом.Для публикации были раскрыты многочисленные сокращения топонимов, а также расшифрованы индивидуальные, характерные для автора сокращения.Особую трудность представляет почерк Н.П. Вишнякова, подчас очень сложный для понимания и в отдельных случаях не поддающийся расшифровке.Эпистолярное наследия Н.П. Вишнякова весьма обширно, а сам дневник охватывает события с 1872 по 1918 гг. Published is an excerpt from a diary of N.P. Vishnyakov (1844–1927), a Moscow Duma deputy. Nikolay Petrovich has never personally participated in the events, but was in the epicenter of the October battles between the Red and the White movements, as he and his family lived in the centre of Moscow. Those events in particular are often referred to as the beginning of the real Civil War. His diary shows us the mental state of a peaceful citizen caught as a hostage during the civil confrontation on Moscow streets. Depicted are certain peculiarities of everyday life, rumors and doubts, hopes and fears of Moscovites, as well as behavioral strategies of different social groups.Most valuable is that the author made 2–3 diary entries a day, registering the events in details. Such sources are very few in number.N.P. Vishnyakov's memoirs and epistolary heritage have never before were fully published and were marked as a unique source on the history of political, cultural and economic life in Moscow between 1873--1918.This is a part of an upcoming publication of the complete texts of N.P. Vishnyakov's epistolary heritage. Nukolay Petrovich was fully engaged into almost every political and economical process in Moscow during the times of Nicholas II. He was a deputy of the Moscow Duma from 1873 to 1917, with a short break in 1892--1897, a magistrate judge, a well-known geology scientist and ethnographer.For this publication shorten forms of toponymies and some personalized abbreviations have been deciphered. It is sometimes very difficult to follow and understand N.P. Veshnyakov’s handwriting.


Kavkaz-forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 90-100
Author(s):  
Ф.С. Киреев

В статье анализируются причины возвращения войсковой системы самоуправления Терского казачества и показан сам процесс создания выборности войсковой власти. Актуальность исследования казачьего самоуправления обусловлена необходимостью теоретического обоснования и практического осуществления самоорганизации казачества России. Исторический анализ процесса организации самоуправления Терского казачества на войсковом уровне может послужить фундаментом для лучшего понимания и оценки современных процессов и явлений в казачьей среде и поможет выстраиванию государственной политики в отношении казачества в современной России. В отечественной историографии отсутствуют работы, посвященные конкретно восстановлению выборности власти в Терском казачьем войске. Поэтому научная новизна исследования определяется тем, что впервые предпринята попытка хронологической реконструкции истории создания войсковой системы самоуправления Терского казачества. Методологической основой исследования является принцип историзма, что предусматривает изучение момента возникновения исторического события и этапы его развития. Анализ событий на Тереке в 1917 г. показывает, что терские казаки смогли самоорганизоваться, создать полноценное административно-территориальное образование, и лишь изменение социально-политической ситуации в России в целомпомешало укрепить и продолжить это начинание. Еще необходимо отметить, что терские казаки к моменту восстановления войскового самоуправления подошли уже с готовыми проектами соответствующих документов, что позволило Терскому войску первым среди других войск создать свою выборную власть. Это говорит о высоком интеллектуальном потенциале в среде терских казаков. The article analyzes the reasons for the restoration of the military system of self-government of the Terek Cossacks and shows the very process of creating the elective military power. The relevance of the study of Cossack self-government is due to the need for theoretical justification and practical implementation of the self-organization of the Cossacks of Russia. Historical analysis of the process of organizing self-government of the Terek Cossacks at the military level can serve as a foundation for better understanding and assessment of modern processes and phenomena in the Cossack environment and will help to build state policy towards the Cossacks in modern Russia. In the Russian historiography, there are no works devoted specifically to the restoration of the election of power in the Terek Cossack army. Therefore, the scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that for the first time an attempt was made to chronologically reconstruct the history of the creation of the military system of self-government of the Terek Cossacks. The methodological basis of the research is the principle of historicism, with its focus on the study of the moment of occurrence of a historical event and the stages of its development. An analysis of the events on the Terek in 1917 shows that the Terek Cossacks were able to organize themselves and create a full-fledged administrative-territorial entity and only a change in the socio-political situation in Russia as a whole was placed, strengthened and continued this initiative. It should also be noted that the Terek Cossacks, by the time of the restoration of military self-government, came up with ready-made drafts of relevant documents, which allowed the Terek army to be the first among other troops to create their own elected power. This indicates a high intellectual potential among the Terek cossacks.


TECHNOLOGOS ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Dolgova Anzhela

The article is devoted to the history of the peasants’ everyday life in 1919. The basis is archival documents presenting four criminal cases: two murders, torture and malfeasance. Using comparative historical and typological methods the author showed how peasants from different districts of Perm province reacted to the events in the village. A causal analysis of the links between historical events made it possible to identify the general patterns of the considered social phenomena and processes among the peasantry. The history of everyday life is relevant to this day. It is impossible to study historical facts without addressing this topic. The peasantry constituted the majority of the country's population, and therefore was a kind of indicator of the ongoing internal political changes in the country. The life of the peasants in each region of the country had its own characteristics. It depended on the natural and climatic conditions, the standard of living, and the social composition of the population. The civil war showed that interference in the life of peasants could change their social appearance. The war imbalanced the life of the village for a long time, destroyed social ties, and led to senseless human casualties. The cited archival documents, in a way, are the episodes from peasants’ life in a certain period of time. As long as the author's goal was to convey the era of war the documents are given in the form in which they have survived to this day: with the preservation of spelling, punctuation and style. Due to the absence of editorial revision in them a picture of complex relationship in the village opens up the tragic events unfold with the forced participation of peasants. It becomes clear what the norm was for them and what was the main thing in their life - justice or legality. The peasants’ attitude towards life and death had been changed during the Civil War. Life lost its value, and death began to be perceived as something ordinary and inevitable.


Author(s):  
Michael Alpert

Sin pretender ser una historia de las brigadas Internacionales en la Guerra Civil Española de 1936-1939, este trabajo se propone examinar ciertos aspectos míticos asociados con las BB.II, en especial la cuestión de su eficacia la experiencia militar de sus jefes. Llega a la conclusión que, aunque el valor y el autosacrificio de los internacionales son innegables, y pese a que se les empleaba a menudo a las BB.II como fuerzas de choque, su presencia en las fuerzas gubernamentales no pasaba de tener una ejemplaridad moral.This article is not a history of the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War of 1936 - 1939. It tries to investigate certain persistent myths about the Brigades, in particular the question of their efficiency and the military expertise of their leaders. It concludes that, although the heroism and the self - sacrifice of the Brigades are undeniable, and despite their function as the vanguard in many of the batties, their presence in the Army of the Spanish Republic had a moral influence which far outweighed any military significance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-37
Author(s):  
Danae Karydaki

Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.


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