scholarly journals KESETARAAN GENDER DAN RELASI KUASA DALAM TAFSIR AL-QUR’AN TEMATIK KEMENTERIAN AGAMA REPUBLIK INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Tinggal Purwanto

<p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p><em>Keywords: tafsir, gender equality, and power relations.</em><p><em>Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik</em><em> is a product of mufassir creative dialectic with the text of the Qur'an which contains interrelated elements among various interests as produced by involving the Government. This engagement raises the question of the supposedly dialectical interpretation, while raising questions about the product of tafsir, especially regarding the interpretation of gender equality which indicates a power-knowledge relations built for a particular interest. This study aims to explain how power-knowledge relations operate in the book, especially in constructing gender equality. With that purpose, the theory of gender equality and the theory of power-knowledge relations is used to achieve the intended purpose. </em></p><p><em>The this study finds that power-knowledge relations flow in the Tafsir Al-Qur’an Tematik. Power relations operate in a dialectical and productive manner through initiation, election, accommodation, contestation, controversy, negotiation and compromise of the exegeteers in compiling the tafsir. The mufassir not only try to explain the book of the Qur'an alone, but also attempt to construct the life of the people to be in line with the Government agenda. The mufassir does attempt to construct an equal relationship between men and women, but the construction is not wholly objective and neutral as it still leaves a more discriminatory effect prioritizing men in the public domain and women in the domestic sphere. These power-knowledge relations operate systematically by controlling power relations with truth so as to give rise to more equitable constructions directed to regulate the lives of people on behalf of increased productivity. By its mechanism, power-knowledge normalizes the lives of people with a construction of gender equality that is essentially loaded with power politics.</em></p><p> </p>

Author(s):  
Zulfikar ◽  
Saiful Bahri ◽  
Muslem ◽  
Fatahillah ◽  
Amiruddin ◽  
...  

The purpose of this research is to find out about how the da'wah movement of  Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry one of the dayah scholars in conducting da'wah activities, and to find out the basis of the da'wah movement of Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry, where the da'wah movement can be said to be able to answer various problems and problems experienced by the people of Aceh at this time, especially religious issues. This type of research is a qualitative research using a character study that aims to provide answers to how the da'wah movement developed by dayah scholars. The results of this study illustrate how the missionary movement Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry, starting from establishing the Al-Aziziyah Islamic College in 2003, developing dayah economics, forming social organizations such as MUDI alumni ties and TASTAFI administrators, cooperating with the government and several countries, and had initiated the birth of a local political party Aceh Daulat Party (PDA) as a forum for entry into the legislative body for dayah graduates. The foundation of the da'wah movement of Têungkū Hasanoel Bashry is to hold fast to the Al-Qur'an and Hadith and Ijma 'of the previous scholars, so as to be able to answer the various problems faced by the people of Aceh at this time, starting from the problems of the Aqeedah, Sharia, and contemporary problems. The da'wah movement Teungku Hasanoel Hasano Bashry has been able to inspire the public to participate in various da'wah activities which are conveyed through discussion media, questions and answers, print media, electronic media and social media. So the da'wah that he delivered was liked by various groups of people, men and women, parents and also young people.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akmal Saputra

Prostitution, localization and freesex is a phenomenon that is familiar in the midst of the people of Indonesia, including the case "Gang Dolly" that attracted public attention in the last year. “Gang Dolly” has been established since the Dutch colonial era and the largest in Southeast Asia and one brothel that gets the legality of the government. Gang Dolly is a social problem that can be analyzed in various perspective, one of them is in pathological perspective.  The adverse effect of localization "Gang Dolly" is not only felt by men and women but including The children feel the effects, either psychological aspect or others. The cause of women's involvement in prostitution can be caused by social conditions of local communities or pathological conditions that result in individuals becoming pathological, but it is also due to structural dysfunction. Closure "Gang Dolly", mitigation and prevention needs to be done and has been done by the government of the city of Surabaya, the hope is to make the public should be able to re-live human being who is far from pathological conditions and become a religious community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Gabriela Isabel Pérez-Aranda ◽  
Paulina Ramos-Antonio ◽  
Sinuhé Estrada-Carmona ◽  
Liliana García-Reyes ◽  
Miguel Angel Tuz-Sierra ◽  
...  

The objective of this research was to analyze if there are differences between the Institutions of Social and Public Security Assistance and between men and women who work for the government of the State of Campeche, southeastern Mexico. This article uses a quantitative methodology; For this, the Questionnaire &quot;Attitudes towards Gender Equality&quot; (CAIG) was applied, which was prepared by Amelia Sola, Isabel Mart&iacute;nez Bellonch and Jos&eacute; Luis Meli&aacute; (2003), validated in a Mexican sample by Olga Marfil Herrera (2006) with an alpha of Cronbach&#39;s .885. The sample was composed of 212 people, 79 women and 133 men, six factors were evaluated. The Student&#39;s t-test revealed that there are significant differences; the Social Assistance Institutions present greater egalitarian attitudes as does the group of women. Meanwhile, the percentiles show these egalitarian attitudes at a medium level. The Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) to compare groups revealed regarding religion, there are significant differences between the Christian, the Catholic and the people who claim to have no religious beliefs; Catholics are those who present a more favorable attitude towards gender equality.


Liquidity ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-118
Author(s):  
Iwan Subandi ◽  
Fathurrahman Djamil

Health is the basic right for everybody, therefore every citizen is entitled to get the health care. In enforcing the regulation for Jaringan Kesehatan Nasional (National Health Supports), it is heavily influenced by the foreign interests. Economically, this program does not reduce the people’s burdens, on the contrary, it will increase them. This means the health supports in which should place the government as the guarantor of the public health, but the people themselves that should pay for the health care. In the realization of the health support the are elements against the Syariah principles. Indonesian Muslim Religious Leaders (MUI) only say that the BPJS Kesehatan (Sosial Support Institution for Health) does not conform with the syariah. The society is asked to register and continue the participation in the program of Social Supports Institution for Health. The best solution is to enforce the mechanism which is in accordance with the syariah principles. The establishment of BPJS based on syariah has to be carried out in cooperation from the elements of Social Supports Institution (BPJS), Indonesian Muslim Religious (MUI), Financial Institution Authorities, National Social Supports Council, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Finance. Accordingly, the Social Supports Institution for Helath (BPJS Kesehatan) based on syariah principles could be obtained and could became the solution of the polemics in the society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dhina Setyo Oktaria ◽  
Agustinus Prasetyo Edi Wibowo

Land acquisition for public purposes, including for the construction of railroad infrastructure, is a matter that is proposed by all countries in the world. The Indonesian government or the Malaysian royal government needs land for railroad infrastructure development. To realize this, a regulation was made that became the legal umbrella for the government or royal government. The people must agree to regulations that require it. Land acquisition for public use in Malaysia can be completed quickly in Indonesia. The influencing factor is the different perceptions of the understanding of what are in the public interest, history and legal systems of the two countries as well as the people's reaction from the two countries


Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.


1990 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 327-334 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bill Bravman

In September 1987, early in my research at the Kenya National Archives, I came across a collection of photographs taken by a British missionary during the 1920s and early 1930s. The collection contained nearly 250 photos of the terrain and people of Kenya's Taita Hills, where I would soon be going for my fieldwork. I pored over the photo collection for a long time, and had reproductions made of twenty-five shots. The names of those pictured had been recorded in the photo album's captions. Many of the names were new to me, though a few WaTaita of the day who had figured prominently in the archival records were also captured on film. When I moved on to Taita in early 1988,1 took the photographs with me. Since I would be interviewing men and women old enough either to remember or be contemporaries of the people in the pictures, I planned to show the photos during the interviews. At first I was simply curious about who some of the people pictured were, but my curiosity quickly evolved into a more ambitious plan. I decided to try using the photographs as visual prompts to get people to speak more expansively than they otherwise might about their lives and their experiences.In the event, I learned that using the photographs in interviews involved many more complexities than I had envisaged in my initial enthusiasm. I found that I had to alter the expectations and techniques I took to Taita, and feel out some of the limitations of working with the photographic medium. I had to recognize the power relations embedded in my presence as a researcher in Taita, in my position as bearer of images from peoples' pasts, and in the photos themselves. I found, too, that I needed to come to grips with a number of issues about the politics of image production, and the historical product of those politics: the bounded, selected images that are photographs. Finally, I had to address some of my own cultural assumptions about photography and how people respond to pictures, assumptions that my informants did not necessarily share.


1991 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara L. Hunt

The licentious career of Caroline of Brunswick, the most notorious queen in modern British history, was only exceeded by that of her husband, George IV, and the scandal that emerged when he attempted to obtain a divorce inspired one of the most unusual episodes of nineteenth-century British history. For six months the attention of the country was focused on the queen's trial; massive demonstrations in her support were familiar sights in London streets and news of the matter dominated the columns of the press. The popular outpouring of support for the queen often took the form of reviling the king and his ministers, and revolution seemed to be in the air, yet because no lasting political change resulted from this tumult, historians have tended to dismiss the affair as relatively unimportant. However, to view this interlude primarily in terms of party politics is to overlook the fact that the majority of the people who formed the massive crowds that so alarmed the government were neither radicals nor reformers, and many, if not most of them were unenfranchised. In order to better understand the implications of this unrest, it is important to identify those factors that inspired British men and women to openly denigrate their ruler and to heap opprobrium on the members of government in defense of a woman who, ironically, many believed to be guilty as charged. Such an examination makes it clear that this was an event of profound cultural significance and was in some respects the first wide-spread popular expression of the moral standards that have come to be labelled “Victorian.”Any attempt to judge “public opinion” is fraught with difficulty. Most of the surviving journals, memoirs, and collections of letters from this period were written by members of the gentry and aristocracy; most of the middle and working-class people who actively demonstrated in support of the queen or who signed the numerous addresses sent to her have tended to remain silent and anonymous. Newspaper and other written accounts of the affair were often extremely partisan, for British society was sharply divided on this issue. Political caricatures, however, overcome some of these difficulties.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 686-702
Author(s):  
Yudhishthira Sapru ◽  
R.K. Sapru

In the current phase of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, and now broadly governance, regulatory administration has acquired growing importance as an instrument of achieving socio-economic objectives. It is through instrumentality of regulatory administration that the government is able to exercise effective political and economic sovereignty and control over the country’s governance process and resources. Governments of nearly all developing countries have initiated policies and procedures to promote and strengthen regulatory bodies and agencies. However, the results of these promotional and regular activities have varied considerably, often reflecting large inadequacies in policies, organisational structures and procedures. Increasing emphasis is now being placed at the national level on a more flexible regulatory administration to enforce compliance with nationally established policies and requirements in various political, economic and social spheres. As a watchdog for the public interest, governments both at central and state levels should engage in activities for the promotion of social and economic justice, so as to ensure the happiness and prosperity of the people.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutia Silvia Rose

Partisipasi masyarakat adalah perwujudan dari masyarakat di dalam negara demokrasi, dimana pemerintahan yang di dasarkan kepada rakyat merupakan tujuan utama kehidupan berpolitik, baik dalam kebijakan maupun dalam tujuan pemerintahan. Perda Label Batik Pekalongan merupakan peraturan daerah yang mengatur tentang suatu tanda yang menunjukkan identitas dan ciri batik buatan Pekalongan yang terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu batik tulis, batik cap atau batik kombinasi tulis dan cap. Tujuan dibentuknya Perda tersebut adalah agar masyarakat dan konsumen Batik Pekalongan tidak dirugikan akibat dari salah dalam membedakan jenis batik. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan Perda tentang penggunaan label batik Pekalongan masih bersifat elitis, karena yang mendominasi mengikuti public hearing hanya pengusaha kelas atas yaitu seseorang atau kelompok orang yang memproduksi seni batik dalam bentuk tulis, cap dan kombinasi dalam jumlah besar, sudah mempunyai nama merek yang terkenal, dan pemasarannya sudah sangat luas baik di dalam negeri maupun di luar negeri. Partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan perda tentang label batik pekalongan yang masih bersifat elitis dapat berpengaruh karakteristik produk hukum yang di hasilkan yaitu lebih menguntungkan pengusaha batik kelas atas, karena dalam pembuatan label batik Pekalongan merugikan dalam segi ekonomis bagi  pengusaha kelas menengah dan bawah.<br /><br />Community participation is the embodiment of the people in a democracy, where the government is based on the people as the ultimate goal of political life, both in policy and administration purposes. Label the Perda Batik Pekalongan local regulation of Batik Pekalongan Label is a sign which indicates the identity and characteristics of batik from Pekalongan which consists of three types of batik, batik or batik and stamp combination. Purpose of the establishment of the regulation is that the public and consumers are not harmed Batik Pekalongan result of incorrect in distinguishing the types of batik. The result of this research indicates that participation in the formation of legislation on the use of Pekalongan batik label still elitist, because that dominate following the public hearing only top-class entrepreneurs is a person or group of people who produce batik art in written form, stamp and combinations in bulk, already has a well-known brand names, and marketing has been very widely both domestically and abroad. Public participation in the formation of regulations about labeling Pekalongan batik is still elitist may influence the characteristics of a legal product that produced batik entrepreneurs are more favorable upper classes, as in the manufacture of Pekalongan batik label in terms of economic harm to employers middle and lower classes.<br /><br />


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