scholarly journals Islam dan Negara: Refleksi Gagasan Sekularisasi Nurcholis Madjid

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Ozi Setiadi ◽  
Aeini Ahsani Aprilianti ◽  
Ita Setyana ◽  
Ahmad Ainul Yakin

<p><strong>Islam and State: The Reflection of Secularization Idea of Nurcholis Madjid. </strong>There are some typologies of Islamic political thought. They are fundamental, secular, and liberal. Secular is the typology of Islamic political thought that separate religion and state. In the West, religion and state are differentiated. They advanced because of the separation of religion and state, but not in Islam. Nurcholis Madjid is one of the Islamic political thinkers who explains the secularization of religion and the state. The purpose of this study is to analyze the thoughts of Nurcholis Madjid about the secularization of Islam and the state. This research uses descriptive analytical method. According Madjid the answers of modernization problems especially among the Indonesian Muslim community is secularization. Secularization is needed because Moslem cannot differentiate religion (<em>din</em>) and state (<em>dawlah</em>). Secularization is carried out for Moslems who “deify the world” which should be worldly, and give up religious matters. The formation of an Islamic state is the failure of Moslems to respond to the problem of modernization.</p>

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
M Munawar

This paper is based on a literature study that aims to examine the relevance and implementation of Islamic politics in the political arena of Indonesia, the majority of which are Muslims. The results of the study concluded that in the era of 70s emerged ??Nurcholish Madjid's idea that "Islam YES, Islamic party NO" and it had established a new awareness for Muslims on the desired goal which is not idealism about the establishment of an Islamic State, but a just and prosperous society. Islam is no longer seen as a symbolic structure, but rather the spirit of values ??that are brought and developed in the life of the state. Efforts to articulate Islamic politics in Indonesia are important issues that need to be addressed to provide a possible synthesis between Islam and the State, therefore the study of Islamic political thought that is unique to Indonesia is not only attractive but urgent to do. In line with the conclusions above, it is expected that this paper can trigger students, especially those who choose the Department of Siyasah Jinayah so that Islamic political thought not only be a mere discourse but should be more focused on the aspect of its implementation to move towards a more advanced Indonesia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Abu Bakar

Abstract: this article explains the political thought of Kahar Muzakkar. Kahar Muzakkar proclaimed his Islamic state with the name of Republik Persatuan Islam Indonesia (RPII) on 14 of May 1962 which is a realization of his Islamic political thought. Kahar Muzakkar wanted a federal state and positioned sharia as the state foundation. In addition to sharia, Kahar Muzakkar viewed that social justice and democracy were potential concepts that workable for his Islamic federal state. Concerning executive system, he opted for presidential system in which his Islamic federal state was to be led by a president directly elected by people with members of cabinet. Legislative body was also to be formed which would consist of Nation Assembly and the senate. Similar arrangement would be applied for states. Kahar Muzakkar believed that this model would save human civilization. He called this as Demokrasi Sejati in which the ultimate authority is God. God’s law is applicable for all aspects of life as has been revealed in the Quran and Hadith Key words: kahar Muzakkar, Islamic Political Thought, Demokrasi Sejati


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-252
Author(s):  
M. Rais Akbar

The determination of Pancasila as the basis of the state is fundamental to the state. Because the basis of the state can be positioned as a reference for the compilation of a constitution. Since being positioned as the basis of the state, its position has been shaken due to the feud between Islamic intellectuals in responding to problems with the form and system of government in Indonesia. In fact, for a country, building the foundation of the state or the basis of state philosophy (philosofische grondslog) is a fundamental thing. In these three disputes, there are paradigm patterns, namely the fundamentalist paradigm (intending to implement Islamic law as an Islamic state), the reform paradigm (only inserting substantial religious values into the government system), and the accommodationist paradigm (cooperative with existing governments). These three paradigms have always adorned the zones of Islamic political thought in Indonesia. This paper aims to produce Islamic thinkers who accept the position of Pancasila with the nationalist Sufi initials. Because a Sufi is a Muslim who is more deeply Islamic. Through the exploration of the verses of the Al-Qur'an on humanity and unity, the writer finds this nationalist Sufi portrait as a human being who deserves to be the caliph of Allah Ta'ala on earth.Keywords: Al-Qur'an, Sufi, Nationalist, Humanity, Pancasila


Author(s):  
Farhad Khosrokhavar

The creation of the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) changed the nature of jihadism worldwide. For a few years (2014–2017) it exemplified the destructive capacity of jihadism and created a new utopia aimed at restoring the past greatness and glory of the former caliphate. It also attracted tens of thousands of young wannabe combatants of faith (mujahids, those who make jihad) toward Syria and Iraq from more than 100 countries. Its utopia was dual: not only re-creating the caliphate that would spread Islam all over the world but also creating a cohesive, imagined community (the neo-umma) that would restore patriarchal family and put an end to the crisis of modern society through an inflexible interpretation of shari‘a (Islamic laws and commandments). To achieve these goals, ISIS diversified its approach. It focused, in the West, on the rancor of the Muslim migrants’ sons and daughters, on exoticism, and on an imaginary dream world and, in the Middle East, on tribes and the Sunni/Shi‘a divide, particularly in the Iraqi and Syrian societies.


Author(s):  
Sean Fleming

States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible as opposed to a government, a nation, or an individual leader? Under what circumstances should we assign responsibility to states rather than individuals? This book demystifies the phenomenon of state responsibility and explains why it is a challenging yet indispensable part of modern politics. Taking Thomas Hobbes' theory of the state as a starting point, the book presents a theory of state responsibility that sheds new light on sovereign debt, historical reparations, treaty obligations, and economic sanctions. Along the way, it overturns longstanding interpretations of Hobbes' political thought, explores how new technologies will alter the practice of state responsibility as we know it, and develops new accounts of political authority, representation, and legitimacy. The book argues that Hobbes' idea of the state offers a far richer and more realistic conception of state responsibility than the theories prevalent today and demonstrates that Hobbes' Leviathan is much more than an anthropomorphic “artificial man.” The book is essential reading for political theorists, scholars of international relations, international lawyers, and philosophers. It recovers a forgotten understanding of state personality in Hobbes' thought and shows how to apply it to the world of imperfect states in which we live.


There has been a neglect on the part of Western governments with focus on the U.S. to take seriously the internet campaign that ISIS has been waging since 2014 and the affective response that still draws citizens from across the world into their promise of a civilized, united nation for Muslims. It is possible that the West, even with a severely increased commitment to fighting the Islamic State, may be too late. This chapter will explore responses by Western governments including the United States to fight internet-enabled terrorism.


Author(s):  
Lorenzo Munari

An overview of the major zoogeographical gaps in our knowledge of the world beach flies (subfamilies Apetaeninae, Horaismopterinae, Pelomyiinae, and Tethininae) is provided. The identified areas treated in this work are as follows: the subarctic Beringia, the South American circum-Antarctic islands, the Neotropical Region south of the equator, most of the West African seacoasts, the huge area ranging from India, across the Bay of Bengal, to Sumatra and Java, and most of Australia. Apart from the inhospitable northernmost and southernmost areas of the planet, which feature a real very low biodiversity, the remaining vast areas dealt with in this work woefully suffer a dramatic paucity of field collections, as well as of previously collected materials preserved in scientific institutions. This might seem a truism that, however, must be emphasized in order to unequivocally identify the geographic areas that need to be further investigated


1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark R. Woodward

In social and political discourse in contemporary Indonesia, the use of hadīth texts serves social and political as well as more narrowly religious ends. Among the purposes of the translation and exegesis of Arabic texts are the definition of an ideal Islamic society and indications of the ways Indonesia falls short of this ideal. In a narrow sense, contemporary translations are examples of what Bernard Lewis (1988:92) calls the “authoritarian and quietist” mode of Muslim political thought because they refrain from calling for an Islamic state. But in the context of Indonesian political culture they approach what he terms the “radical activist” mode, and seek to reshape society, if not the state, in the image of the Qur’ān and hadīth.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 357-378
Author(s):  
Hafiz Abdul Rauf ◽  
Muhammad Adnan Saddique

Islam is the religion of welfare and well-being of the people as well as reformation and uplift of the society. It not only gives its followers some beliefs and convictions, but it also makes them aware of all those fundamental tenets of life, adopting which, an Islamic state can build a peaceful society. Islam gives due care not only to men but to animals and birds as well. What to speak of services to the helpless, it even regards provisions to hungry and the thirsty animals a great source of salvation in the World Hereafter. Public rights (haquq-ul-Ibaad), personal rights, good morals and generosity are a big part of Islamic commandments. Even the person who does not help others is regarded not a Muslim in the eyes of Islam. Islam makes it obligatory to every Man of Source to be conscious about the rights of other people living around him. An Islamic state consists of both Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Every person, whether he is Muslim or non-Muslim, living in the state, deserves his fundamental rights. Even the state is bound to provide them the basic necessities of life including food, boarding, education, clothing, cure and justice. All this is emphasized in Quran and Hadith. When the Holy Prophet (PBHU) migrated to Madina, he, first of all, laid the foundation of first Islamic state. Having reached there, the first problem he faced was the problem of the housing, food and cure of the migrants (Muhajir), as the migrants had left all their belongings back in Makkah. They had no sources with them in Madina. The Holy Prophet (PBHU) persuaded the locals (Insaar), so that the locals managed for the basic needs of migrants, and thus resolved these issues. The Holy Prophet (PBUH) introduced such a system of assistance that none was helpless in the state.


ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Bahtiar Effendy

This article analyses the source and nature of Islam-state relations, and the efforts made to find a viable synthesis between them. Like many other Muslim countries, Indonesia encountered difficulties in the attempt to establish a synthesis between Islamic political thought and the notion of a secular state. The author makes an important yet often neglected observation, that not all Indonesian Muslims support the politicisation of Islam and that the level and magnitude of support for ideological and symbolical Islam is relatively low in Indonesia. In order to find a middle way for the Indonesian setting in the post-Soeharto period, he argues in favour of a ‘partial accommodation’ of moderate Muslim concerns as a viable option for a more enduring relationship between Islam and the state.  


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