scholarly journals RESPON ISLAM TERHADAP PERUBAHAN RELASI MASYARAKAT LOKAL DAN NEGARA DI INDONESIA ERA REFORMASI

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muntoha Muntoha

<p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>Indonesia as a developing country starts moving from the centralistic country into decentralized state since the change of power generated by a wave of reforms in mid 1998. There are several key issues that came to the surface in connection with this transition, among others, is a horizontal conflict that is lead to the disintegration of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). In the face of the country situation, the religion (Islam) with the teaching of ethics is expected to be one important factor for the integration process, especially Islam embraced the majority of the Indonesian population. In the study presented formulation of the problem of how the contribution of Islam in the context of the local communities to build relationships and state in Indonesia after the collapse of the New Order regime more equitably? The result of this study has been revealed that the contribution of Islam through the base organization at least can be categorized  into three, namely NU, Muhammadiyah, HTI, and MMI. As for the contribution of ideas from NU and Muhammadiyah, that the local community and state relations should be seen in terms of the ideology of Pancasila as the noble nation and agreement of the founders of the nation. Then from HTI, to make the relationship with the local society can be run with a harmonious state is the first system to change the leadership of the country into a caliphate. Furthermore, from the MMI, suggesting if the pattern of the relationship between local communities and the state can run well, then the state must be firm by making Islamic law as its legal basis. It is based on the premise that in Islamic law are values as true and when implemented can provide prosperity for humankind</em>.</p><p><strong><em> </em></strong><strong><em>Keywords</em>: </strong><em>relasi, Islam, masyarakat lokal, dan kontribusi</em></p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Budi Rahmat Hakim

The Birth of Law No. 23/2011 marks a new era of transformation of the national charity which has given rise to a new paradigm of charity management in our country. Some rules are the result of constitutive ijtihadin the ?eld of charity gets a reaction from some quarters, especially related to the management of charity by the state authority. Regardless of the debate which led to the material and formal lawsuit, there are several key issues to be further analyzed in relation to the reconstruction of ?qh paradigm evaluated from the perspective of contemporary Islamic law. First, the authorities and the involvement of the state as charities through the agency or institution that is of?cially established or recognized by the state, so that the management of charity can be done effectively, guaranteed. And have legal certainty. Secondly, the absence of sanctions for muzaki who shirk the obligation of charity in Law No.23 / 2011 shows that the payment of charity is voluntary, therefore charity regulations in Indonesia are still considered weak in the legal framework that can bind to the individual or business entity that is exposed to the taxpayer , Third, the reform paradigm of subject, object and charity tas{arruf ?eld have already accommodated in Law No.23 / 2011 in accordance with the principle of mas}lah}atand justice. Fourth, the relationship of charity and tax reaf?rmed in the amendment of new Law charity as?scal incentives for charity payers to make charity as a reduction of PKP (tax deduction), although this provision has not been able to realize the position of charitywhich is more signi?cant as a tax deduction(tax credit).


Author(s):  
Bojan Tičar ◽  
◽  
Iztok Rakar ◽  

New virus SARS-CoV-2 (hereinafter COVID-19) has reached the Republic of Slovenia in February 2020. On March 12th, 2020, the state has announced the epidemic. In this context, the Government of the Republic of Slovenia began to adopt different measures to protect the population and stop spreading the virus COVID-19. All local communities had to act according to the government’s decisions. In this contribution, we present an analysis of some cases and praxis in local communities. We have analysed some actions of local authorities (mayors and local councils) in the context of fighting against the spread of the virus COVID-19 among the local population. The analysis also includes an overview of local legal regulations and activities of local security authorities (local-community wardens and local community inspectorates) in the fight against the spreading of the COVID-19 virus. The minority of Slovenian communities have adopted some »special lock-down measures«. The way that these activities were legally processed is shown in the last part of this contribution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Fajar Syarif

The debate over the relationship between religion and the state reappeared when the New Order regime was at its peak of power, the 1980s. This has a fundamental need to strengthen the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) and establish Pancasila as the only state ideology and the only principle for religious and social organizations. This need certainly created an extraordinary paradigmatic controversy among all components of the nation, especially Muslims: between following the political will of the New Order or remaining a supporter of the establishment of an "Islamic state", not a Pancasila state. This is a big dilemma for the Indonesian people which in reality consists of thousands of islands, hundreds of ethnicities and languages, and dozens of religions, while the majority of the population is Muslim where the idea of establishing an 'Islamic state' has not vanished from the ideals of a number of Islamic organizations or groups.


Author(s):  
Claudius Härpfer

In recent times we find many plebiscitary acts that seek to democratically legitimize political processes in any direction. They have in common that they interrupt the normal routine of representative democracies to a certain degree and create an extra-daily state of affairs, which entails not only direct but also indirect consequences. The text attempts to systematize some of these mechanisms from a Weberian perspective using Brexit as an example. After a brief overview of Weber’s short-term politically inspired statements on plebiscitary democracy, the text systematizes Weber’s understanding of the state as a bureaucratic apparatus that requires any kind of leader to be controlled. Subsequently, the text discusses the relationship between domination, legality, and rationality in order to finally point out the danger of erosion of truth and legality through the emergence of competing consensus communities in the face of competing conceptions of order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-119
Author(s):  
Arman MANUKYAN

The article discusses the interrelated relationship between education and the labour market. The balance of the labour market-university system is considered as the main problem. It is substantiated that today, with the state system's management, it is possible to achieve greater efficiency. In the absence of public administration, employers and universities find it difficult to find systematized solutions independently. The article presents some of the most relevant solutions, which are more practical for urgent correction of the situation.


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


Author(s):  
Gavin Shatkin

Jakarta under the New Order—the period of the rule of President Suharto which ended in 1998—represents a case of an authoritarian regime that employed regulatory reforms and developmental discourses to enable a massive and highly regressive appropriation of land at Jakarta’s periurban fringe. The New Order regime specifically used land permitting, a process through which the state granted private developers exclusive rights to acquire and develop land held under customary tenure, to transfer land from smallholders to major developers. The chapter analyzes one project that was enabled through such a permit, Bumi Serpong Damai, or BSD City. One of the early experiments in urban real estate megaproject development, BSD City initially undertook meaningful efforts to create a socially and ecologically sustainable new town model. However, these measures broke down quickly in the face of developer interests in the maximization of profit.


Author(s):  
Robert J. Antony

Contrary to conventional wisdom, which informs us that the reach of the state stopped at the county yamen, in chapter 4 the author argues that state agencies, particularly subcounty officials, yamen staff, and military personnel, actually penetrated deep into local society and played an indispensable role in law enforcement efforts at the grassroots level. Although there were tensions in the relationship, nonetheless it was to their mutual advantage that state agents and community leaders cooperate to rid the countryside of social disorders caused by bandits. Major conduits for this cooperation were the mutual surveillance (baojia) and local constable (dibao) systems, both of which operated in the nebulous space between state and local society. All of these efforts, I argue, had mixed results for local crime prevention.


Author(s):  
Marilyn Taylor

Community development offers a distinct approach to respond to the problem of diminishing free spaces where citizens can exchange views and learn about democracy and citizenship. It involves citizens as co-creators of the common world rather than as consumers. It has been supported by governments in different countries as a way of defusing tensions within communities, addressing the crisis of political legitimacy, encouraging citizen responsibility, as well as co-producing services with the state. This chapter tracks the ways in which community development has played these different roles over time and the implications for the relationship between state and citizen. It reviews its changing relationship with the state, and the critiques generated by different approaches and programmes. It concludes with an assessment of the challenges it faces in seeking to deepen democracy and foster creative citizenship, in the face of recurring attempts to shrink the state and leave the market as the principal mediating factor in society.


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