scholarly journals The Role of Shiite Clergy in the Constitutional Movement at the Initial Stage of the First Iranian Revolu-tion of 1905–1911

Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Salikhat Ibragimovna Musaeva ◽  

The article highlights the history of the development of the Constitutional Movement in Iran in 1905-1906, i.e. in the first period of the Iranian Revolution of 1905–1911, and the participa-tion of the Shiite clergy in it. Shiite clergy, dissatisfied with the attempt of the Shah and his entou-rage to weaken their rights in the area of legal proceedings, as well as with the government's policy aimed at “Europeanizing” Iran, took an active part in the protest movement. The article reflects the period of the emergence of secret revolutionary societies in the country, created by representatives of advanced bourgeois intelligentsia of Iran. The leaders of Shiite clergy joined them, and later began to create and lead such societies themselves. The author focuses on the role and influence of Shiite clergy in the revolutionary activities of various secret societies, such as “Enjomene Mahfi”, which included the main leaders of Shiite clergy of Tehran: Ayatollah Sayyid Abdollah Behbehani and Said Mohammed Tabatabai, politician M. Kermani and others. These organizations carried out a great deal of work among the believers: they published political leaflets, appeals to the Iranian people, called on the people to speak out against the Shah's tyranny and European penetration. The revolu-tion showed the potential of Shiite clergy as an active factor in the socio-political history of Iran.

2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542095081
Author(s):  
Virág Molnár

This article belongs to the special cluster, “National, European, Transnational: Far-right activism in the 20th and 21st centuries”, guest edited by Agnieszka Pasieka. Research on populism attributes great significance to mapping the distinctive discursive logic of populist reasoning (e.g., the trope of pitting corrupt elites against the people). This article aims to move beyond the primary focus on discursive structures to stress the role of symbols, objects, and different modalities of circulation in the political communication of populist ideas, using the case of Hungary. By tracing the history of one of the key symbols of nationalist populism—the image of “Greater Hungary”—from its emergence in the interwar period to its present-day use, the article shows how the meanings and material forms this symbol assumed in political communication that evolved under different political regimes. The analysis builds on extensive archival, ethnographic, and online data to highlight how the diversity of material forms and the conduits through which this image circulated have contributed to its endurance as a key political symbol. Symbols, like the Greater Hungary image, condense complex historical narratives into a powerful sign that can be easily objectified, reproduced, and diffused. Today’s differentiated consumer markets provide convenient conduits for this kind of material circulation. These symbols carry meaning in and of themselves as signs, and once they are turned into everyday objects, they facilitate the normalization of radical politics by increasing their salience and broad visibility.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


1995 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 817-840 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroko Willcock

Inspired by Japanese influences among others the late Qing period saw a great surge in the writing of fiction after 1900. The rate of growth was unprecedented in the history of Chinese literature. The great surge coincided with rapid socio-political changes that China underwent in the last fifteen years of the Qing Dynasty. At the psychological level, the humiliating defeat by Japan in 1895 gave rise to a feeling of urgency for reform among some progressively minded Chinese intellectuals. Those reformers came to view fiction as a powerful medium to further their reform causes and to arouse among the people the awareness of the changes they believed China most urgently required. Fiction was no longer considered as constituting insignificant and trivial writings. It was no longer the idle pastime of retired literati composed to entertain a small circle of their friends, or written by a discontented recluse to vent a personal grudge through a brush. The role of fiction came to be defined in relation to its utility as an influence on politics and society and its artistic quality was subordinated to such a definition.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Koh

AbstractIn the drama of negotiation of state boundaries, the role of local administrators as mediators is indispensable. They mediate between state demands for more discipline and societal demands for more liberties. Their ability and willingness to enforce determines the extent of state power. They are a particular type of elites chosen by the state to administer; yet often they have an irrational and morally corrupt relationship with their subjects. The questions that arise then are: When do the local administrators decide to or not to enforce the rules? What considerations do they hold in the face of contradicting demands for their loyalties? This paper seeks answers to the above questions by examining state enforcement of its construction rules in Hanoi after 1975, in which the ward, a level of local administrators in the urban administration landscape, plays an important role in holding up (or letting down) the fences. I will examine the irrationality of the housing regime that led to widespread offences against construction rules, and then show why and how local administrators may or may not enforce rules. This paper comprises two parts. The first part outlines the nature and history of the housing regime in Vietnam and the situation of state provision of housing to the people. These provide the context in which illegal construction arises. Part Two looks at illegal construction in Hanoi chronologically, and focuses on important episodes. The theme that runs through this paper is the role of local administrators in the reality of illegal construction.


Author(s):  
Е. А. Меkhamadiev ◽  

Greek sources, which tell us about a military-political history of Byzantium in the 7th century, mainly the famous “Chronographia” of Theophanes the Confessor, usually contain little evidence on relations between the Empire and local countries of South Caucasus and Armenian highland. But, having based on the Arabic-speaking historians al-Baladhuri and al-Ya‘qubi, who lived both in the 9th century, and also on the evidence of some little-studied Greek texts, i.e. a letter of Anastasius Apocrisiarius and the works of Theodoros Spoudaios, the author tries to discover a role of the Byzantine army of Armeniakoi within these interrelations. The army, which was located in the provinces of Cappadocia, Paphlagonia and Hellenopontus, was established in the mid-650s. It was predominantly composed of the former bodyguards of powerful Armenian nakharars (chiefs of local Armenian noble families). Time after time, depending on geopolitical situation in the region, a central power of Byzantium moved and located the regular units of the army in Lazika, i.e. within modern West Georgia. Moreover, the author traces that one of the noble Armenian nakharars named Nerseh Kamsarakan, who headed a powerful family of Artsruni, occupied the official office of the strategos of the Armeniakoi by 688. The army commanded by Nerseh Kamsarakan reconquered the princedom of Armenia from the Arabs in 686–688; therefore, as a result, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian II appointed Nerseh Kamsarakan as the Great Prince of Armenian princedom and located regular troops of the army of Armeniakoi on these lands.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


2020 ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Albina Fedorovna Myshkina ◽  
Inessa Vladimirovna Iadranskaia

The article is devoted to identifying the role of the «Dictionary of the Chuvash language» by N.I. Ashmarin in revealing the mental foundations of modern Chuvash and in determining the sociocultural and psychological type of character of the Chuvash. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that during the period of globalization and universalization of cultures, the return to the original values of the nation, the search for individual-folk traits of a person's character in his worldview and lifestyle, which is most clearly recorded in his language, is of great importance. The human language retains a large amount of information that contributes to its spiritual, scientific, technical and industrial development. Therefore, the analysis of vocabulary also contributes to the study of the history of the development of man, people, nation, humanity. The purpose of the research is to study the socio-historical, cultural and ethical information enshrined in the vocabulary of the people and recorded in this dictionary. The principles of methodology, that reflect elements of conceptology, hermeneutics and general philology are used in the study. It is concluded that the Chuvash language (more broadly, the Chuvash culture) is an integral part of the ancient Turkic world, therefore research in this direction expands the framework of understanding the philosophy, history, theology and everyday life of the Chuvash people.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


Author(s):  
Наталья Тимуровна Энеева

Статья посвящена роли славянофильской проблематики в становлении отечественной исторической науки 1990 х – 2010-х годов. Апробированная почти двумя столетиями историософско-богословской дискуссии, эта проблематика явила себя на исходе ХХ столетия как преимущественно экклезиологическая – как насущные вопросы личностного и общественного воцерковления. Существенное значение в этом процессе имеет воссоздание адекватного научного языка и понятийного аппарата для описания роли Церкви и народной религиозности в формировании национального самосознания и религиозно-культурной общности. Подчеркивается, что в данной концепции история Церкви и народа как ее носителя – «народа-богоносца» – предстает не в качестве локальной темы, но как основной сюжет и сущностный смысл мирового исторического процесса. The article is devoted to the role of Slavophil problems in the formation of Russian historical science in the 1990s – 2010s. Approved by almost two centuries of historiosophical and theological discussion, this problematic showed itself at the end of the twentieth century as primarily ecclesiological – as pressing issues of personal and social churching. Recreation of an adequate scientific language and conceptual apparatus for describing the role of the Church and popular religiosity in the formation of national identity and religious and cultural community is essential in this process. It is emphasized that in this concept the history of the Church and the people as its bearer – the «God-bearing people» – appears not as a local theme, but as the main plot and essential meaning of the world historical process.


1982 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Thaxton

In April of 1980 I was received by the Henan Province History Research Institute of the Henan Province Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to begin the first systematic oral political history project on peasant revolution in modern China. The focus of this project is on the problems of livelihood faced by the peasants of Lin county and several other counties in the pre-Liberation period, roughly 1911–49. In May I began an investigation of the history of rural Lin county and the village of Yao Cun, Lin county, Henan. In this essay I will sketch the general social and political history of Yao village in Republican years, and then draw from my preliminary field research to explain the relationship between land rent, the impoverishment of peasant smallholders, and political power in pre-Liberation China in one North China village. This relationship has received minimal emphasis in the literature on peasantry and change in pre-1949 China. One of the many reasons for this has been the tendency of past scholarship to stress the critically important role of the ‘middle peasant village’ in the Chinese revolution. The evidence from Yao cun offers a slight qualification of this middle peasant thesis.


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