Outsourcing Violence?

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alon Harel

This Article develops a theory of “inherently governmental functions” and argues that these functions concern powers designed to execute or implement fundamental state decisions—e.g., the decision to criminalize certain behavior, the decision to inflict a certain sanction, or to the decision to initiate or end a war. While most theorists agree that fundamental state decisions of the types described above ought only to be made by the State, some believe that the power to execute or implement these decisions can be transferred to private entities. Thus, for instance, theorists maintain that while only the State can criminalize behavior, private prisons can execute the punishment; while only the State can declare a war, mercenaries can carry it out, etc. This Article disputes this claim. By transferring powers of “execution” or “implementation” of fundamental state decisions to private entities, the State severs the link between its fundamental societal decisions and the actions designed to execute or implement these decisions. Private entities that imprison people or soldiers hired to fight a war ought to be regarded not merely as executing or implementing public decisions. Instead, they ought to be regarded as private entities whose own private judgments concerning the justness of the sanctions they inflict or the justifiability of the wars they fight are prerequisite for the performance of their jobs. The contribution to the genesis of the action of the private entity made by the court’s decision to inflict a sanction or the State’s decision to go to war is, so to speak, superseded by the individual’s own judgment. The Article further argues that being punished by another private individual—rather than by the State—infringes upon one’s dignity as it subjects the will of one person to the will of another. The justifiability of the exertion of violence hinges upon the agent performing it. Hence, I maintain that it is impermissible on the part of the State to privatize the execution or implementation of some fundamental societal decisions.

Legal Theory ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alon Harel

Criminal sanctions are typically inflicted by the state. The central role of the state in determining the severity of these sanctions and inflicting them requires justification. One justification for state-inflicted sanctions is simply that the state is more likely than other agents to determine accurately what a wrongdoer justly deserves and to inflict a just sanction on those who deserve it. Hence, in principle, the state could be replaced by other agents, for example, private individuals. This hypothesis has given rise to recent calls to reform the state's criminal justice system by introducing privately inflicted sanctions, for example, shaming penalties, private prisons, or private probationary services. This paper challenges this view and argues that the agency of the state is indispensable to criminal sanctions. Privately inflicted sanctions sever the link between the state's judgments concerning the wrongfulness of the action and the appropriateness of the sanction and the infliction of sufferings on the criminal. When a private individual inflicts punishment, she acts on what she and not the state judges to be a justified response to a criminal act. Privately inflicted sanctions for violations of criminal laws are not grounded in the judgments of the appropriate agent, namely the state. It is impermissible on the part of the state to approve, encourage, or initiate the infliction of a sanction (for violating a state-issued prohibition) on an alleged wrongdoer on the basis of a private judgment. Such an approval grants undue weight to the private judgment of the individual who inflicts the sanction.


2019 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Andriy KHUDYK

The article examines the process of constitutionalization of public finances through the prism of the constitutional model of the interconnection between the rights of individuals to public finances and the powers of public authorities in this field. It is emphasized that from the standpoint of anthroposociocultural approach, public finances are intended to ensure the public interests of individuals through the use of financial resources at the disposal of the state. Public finances involve choosing between different tasks and goals, and this choice quite often involves addressing the issue of expediency, which in its turn comes to the problem of the effective organization of public finances in order to meet the public needs of all individuals. It is noted that from the standpoint of the Constitution of Ukraine, the effectiveness of the state depends on to what extent it is able to meet the public needs and interests of individuals. The role of the state comes to creating such conditions and mechanisms for the realization of interests that, through the implementation of state policy, will promote the well-being of individuals. That is why the state cannot and is not authorized by the Constitution of Ukraine to ignore the real needs of society and of particular social groups. The will of the society must be embodied in laws that should reflect the public interests of individuals and not the private interests of certain members of society. In our opinion, the complete elimination of the state from the sphere of public finances and the equalization of consumption of the commons may contribute to the emergence of providing public services. It is concluded that the purpose of public finances is to organize the performance of the duty of public authorities on the proper management of public financial resources to the public interest of the individual. The purpose of public authorities is to ensure the will of the owner. In consequence, public financial resources cannot be used by the state for anything at all, but only for the public needs of individuals. Public financial resources are subject to the specific regime in order to designate them to serve the public needs of individuals. Therefore, the Constitution of Ukraine obliges the state to carry out fair and impartial distribution and redistribution of public financial resources on behalf and for the benefit of society.


2019 ◽  
pp. 177-186
Author(s):  
Zinaida Neznamova

In this paper, the author attempts to use various techniques and methods of legal interpretation and apply various types of interpretation of criminal law provisions to trace the trend of relations between the individual and the state through the lens of criminalization and decriminalization of socially dangerous acts. It is the procedures of criminalization and decriminalization that the law-maker uses to implement the will of the state and establish the vector and tension in relations between an individual / a citizen and the state authorities. To solve this task, the author traces, in the short-term, the legal and actual decriminalization of certain types of crimes – hooliganism, battery, libel and insult. Additionally, a review of legislative novelties associated with establishing liability for the so-called “insult of authority” and “fake news” is provided. The conducted analysis of the practice of decriminalizing certain socially dangerous acts leads to the conclusion that the state, represented by the law-maker, is consistently enforcing the policy that leads to reducing the level of individual’s legal protection and health, physical integrity, honor and dignity. Simultaneously, the legal protection of interests of the state, bodies of government and their individual representatives is evidently growing stronger, which is obviously misaligned with the policy of weakening the legal protection of certain constitutional human and citizen’s rights, as mentioned above. This trend can only be assessed ad negative, which in the nearest future may significantly increase the tension between the state and the individual, entailing negative consequences of both legal and social nature.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-33
Author(s):  
Yolanda García Rodríguez

In Spain doctoral studies underwent a major legal reform in 1998. The new legislation has brought together the criteria, norms, rules, and study certificates in universities throughout the country, both public and private. A brief description is presented here of the planning and structuring of doctoral programs, which have two clearly differentiated periods: teaching and research. At the end of the 2-year teaching program, the individual and personal phase of preparing one's doctoral thesis commences. However, despite efforts by the state to regulate these studies and to achieve greater efficiency, critical judgment is in order as to whether the envisioned aims are being achieved, namely, that students successfully complete their doctoral studies. After this analysis, we make proposals for the future aimed mainly at the individual period during which the thesis is written, a critical phase in obtaining the doctor's degree. Not enough attention has been given to this in the existing legislation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Rizka Refliarny ◽  
Herawan Sauni ◽  
Hamdani Ma'akir

This study raises the issue of agrarian reform draft under the reign of President Joko Widodo. Agrarian reform became a priority program in the RPJMN of 2015-2019. Based on this matter, the writer analyzes the concept of agrarian reform during the reign of Joko Widodo terms of BAL. The nature of the study was a normative research with statute approach, which was done in four ways, namely descriptive, comparative, evaluative and argumentative. The results showed that the agrarian reform draft during the reign of Joko Widodo is a concept of land stewardship and land reform. The economic system leads to a form of capitalism. It is necessary to conduct refinement of content and material of BAL implementation in order to achieve the justice and the welfare of the nation and the State. The agrarian reform program should be carried out in stages in order to obtain the desired results. It requires the will, ability and active involvement of all elements of the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-203
Author(s):  
Nodira Musayeva ◽  

It is no secret that one of the features of today's global infomakon is manipulative information, which carries a large part of the General information complex that negatively affects public consciousness, the unity of the individual, society and the state. The main feature of modern journalism is that it completely rejects open propaganda and uses hidden methods of influencing the mind. Many news agencies have moved from direct ideological pressure on the recipient to theuse of hidden mechanisms of thought formation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (7) ◽  
pp. 2417-2425
Author(s):  
Peter Peikov ◽  
Borana Hadjieva

The present paper reveals the significance of the National Archival Fund for preservation of the historical and cultural memory of the Bulgarian nation and the formation of historical consciousness. The National Archives Fund is defined as the largest collection of documents with historical, scientific, social, economic, cultural significance as an essential part of the cultural and historical heritage of Bulgaria.It treasures documents about the history of thousands of institutions and prominent figures of the state, economy, culture and art, of ordinary citizens whose activity is historically important in one respect or another.The emphasis of the study is on the main factors determining the daily enrichment of the National Archival Fund with new documents. Among these key factors are development of documentaristics and archivistics, trends in social development, ideological and political climate, financial stability and attitude of the society as a whole, of the istitutional leaders and administrative heads, creating documents, in particular, of the non-governmental organizations and even of the individual citizen to the problems in the field of archivistics.In the focus of the paper as well is the leading role of the state archives for the formation of the National Archival Fund of Bulgaria and the opportunities for cooperation with museums, libraries, community centers and other institutions of memory working with the same purpose and vision.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fida Mohammad

In this article I shall compare and contrast Ibn Khaldun’s ideas aboutsociohistorical change with those of Hegel, Marx, and Durkheim. I willdiscuss and elaborate Ibn Khaldun’s major ideas about historical andsocial change and compare them with three important figures of modemWestern sociology and philosophy.On reading Ibn Khaldun one should remember that he was living in thefourteenth century and did not have the privilege of witnessing the socialdislocation created by the industrial revolution. It is also very difficult tocategorize Ibn Khaldun within a single philosophical tradition. He is arationalist as well as an empiricist, a historicist as well as a believer inhuman agency in the historical process. One can see many “modem”themes in his thinking, although he lived a hundred years beforeMachiavelli.Lauer, who considers Ibn Khaldun the pioneer of modem sociologicalthought, has summarized the main points of his philosophy.’ In his interpretationof Ibn Khaldun, he notes that historical processes follow a regularpattern. However, whereas this pattern shows sufficient regularity, itis not as rigid as it is in the natural world. In this regard the position ofIbn Khaldun is radically different from those philosophies of history thatposit an immutable course of history determined by the will of divineprovidence or other forces. Ibn Khaldun believes that the individual isneither a completely passive recipient nor a full agent of the historicalprocess. Social laws can be discovered through observation and datagathering, and this empirical grounding of social knowledge represents adeparture from traditional rational and metaphysical thinking ...


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