scholarly journals Ethno-religious hate speeches and political violence in Nigeria’s fourth republic

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-120
Author(s):  
Ugo Chuks Okolie ◽  
Eseohe Glory Okoedion

Ethnoreligious hate speech is the precursor to political violence in Nigeria’s fourth republic. While it is true that one of the greatest benefits of democratic societies is freedom of speech, still no one should be allowed under the disguise of exercising the right to free speech to offend, humiliate and demean another human being. In Nigeria, hate speech has been elevated to the status of political campaign strategy and it accounts for the escalation of political violence in Nigeria’s fourth republic. Therefore, this study explored the impact of ethno-religious hate speech on political violence in Nigeria’s fourth public. A descriptive method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of 600 electorates in South-South zone of Nigeria. The study found that there is a positive and significant relationship between Ethno-religious hate speech and political violence in Nigeria’s fourth republic. This paper recommends among others that political campaign in Nigeria should focus on the implementation of the critical national issues such as economic, political, social, cultural, educational, and healthcare services rather than attack on political opponents or mobilization of ethnic, religious, and regional sentiments.

The Hijaz ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 155-204
Author(s):  
Malik R. Dahlan

Chapter 6 is an international legal examination of the status of The Hijaz in the aftermath of its conquest and absorption into a Saudi personal union. It discusses the impact of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States as well as the Territorial Principle. The Chapter tackles the legal question of secession and warns against the pitfalls of the ‘Self-Determination Trap’. It draws lessons from the difference between involuntary extinction of states as opposed to their creation. By looking at the cases of Czechoslovakia and Quebec it tackles the issue of ‘the Right to Secession by Agreement’. The Chapter reflects on lessons from Scotland, Catalan and Kurdistan highlighting that The Hijaz presents us with a delicate and nuanced understanding of ‘Internal Self-Determination’ and ‘Autonomy’ establishing, de facto, an international legal status of “Self-Determination Spectrum Disorder”. A special status calls for an active and special legal solution. The notion of a broader integrative role for The Hijaz and the broader Islamic world. The potential integrative institutionalization of The Hijaz is investigated bringing to bare a unique approach to self-determination that would entail coupling autonomy with international territorial administration. The propositions under this Chapter are supported by looking at other sui generis entities such as the Holy See being sovereigns without being states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 89-93
Author(s):  
Lilia R. Komarova ◽  
Mikhail V. Kolesov

The article substantiates the need to change the criminal procedural legislation that regulates the powers of the prosecutor and the status of the victim and gives the prosecutor the right to initiate a criminal case. The proposed changes in the procedural powers of the prosecutor are also considered through the prism of organizing the activities of law enforcement agencies and the impact of statistical reporting indicators on their activities. The experience of prosecutorial and investigative practices and the opinion of distinguished domestic legal scholars are analyzed. The changes proposed by the authors could have a significant positive impact on the work of preliminary investigation bodies and reduce the number of violations committed during preliminary investigation stages. In addition, bringing the status of the prosecutor and the preliminary investigation bodies into a logical procedural position could eliminate unnecessary and inherently harmful corporate competition.


2021 ◽  
pp. 360-389
Author(s):  
Howard Davis

Without assuming prior legal knowledge, books in the Directions series introduce and guide readers through key points of law and legal debate. It discusses European Convention law and relates it to domestic law under the HRA. Questions, discussion points, and thinking points help readers to engage fully with each subject and check their understanding as they progress and knowledge can be tested by self-test questions and exam questions at the chapter end. This chapter focuses on Article 10, one of the fundamental rights acknowledged in a liberal, democratic society—freedom of expression. Article 10 is a qualified right which reflects the idea that there can be important and legitimate reasons as to why freedom of expression may need to be restricted in order to protect other important rights and freedoms. While the first paragraph of Article 10 establishes a general right to freedom of expression, its second paragraph identifies the only bases upon which the right can be restricted. Restriction of the freedom of expression is subject to scrutiny by the courts, and its necessity must be established by the state. In particular the chapter discusses human rights in the context of political speech and the impact of restraints on hate speech.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 5-12
Author(s):  
Vinsas Janušonis

The aim of the study – to estimate patients, who gave thanks for medics – doctors and nurses opinion changes and singularity of right healthcare, satisfaction and fruition their expectations. Material and methods. From January 2004 to December 2015 a survey was performed in Klaipeda University Hospital (KUH). The study included 197755 patients who were undergoing treatment in KUH. Information was collected via questionnaires (response rate 81,4%). The patients who gave thanks for medics group was analyzed apart. The survey was analyzed and compared for the periods 2004-2006 and 2013-2015. Results and discussion. The most part of patients who gave thanks for medics was aged 50-69 (15, 8%), at work, women. The time of healthcare services, information for patients, good contact and communication between patients and medics, patients’ satisfaction influenced the number of thanks. The number of thanksgiving have not direct correlation with healthcare quality. Conclusions. Patients thanksgiving has confirmed the KUH provided healthcare for the majority of patients are appropriate to meet their expectations and they are satisfied with it. Comparison of both analyzed periods has shown that over 10 years fell acknowledgments for medics. Age, gender and social status had the impact on the number of acknowledgments - more thanksgiving was from women, patients 50-59 year age, retired and persons with disabilities. The right cooperation between medics and patients, provision of healthcare information to patients increased the number of thanksgiving. The number of patients who satisfied with healthcare results and meet their expectations directly correlated with number of patients who gave thanks for medics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Misiejuk

<p>The article provides an analysis concerning grounds for the deletion from the list of attorneys-at-law in Poland. The author distinguishes two spheres within the status of attorney-at-law: 1) the right to practice as an attorney-at-law and 2) the membership of the professional self-government of attorneys-at-law. Individual grounds are assessed in terms of the impact of their occurrence on both these spheres. The article discusses the effect caused by resolutions on the deletion from the list of attorneys-at-law, adopted as a result of emergence of the statutory grounds for the deletion in each of these spheres.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 18-36
Author(s):  
Jacob FORTIER

Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Okey Marcellus Ikeanyibe ◽  
Christian Chukwuebuka Ezeibe ◽  
Peter Oluchukwu Mbah ◽  
Chikodiri Nwangwu

Abstract The use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
WIBKE KRISTIN TIMMERMANN

This article focuses on the development of the crime of incitement to genocide and the prohibition of hate propaganda. It first examines the conflict which exists between these and the right to freedom of speech and concludes that a limitation of this right through prohibition of hate propaganda and criminalization of incitement to genocide is justifiable. The article then analyses how the crime of incitement to genocide and the prohibition of hate propaganda first developed historically, focusing on judgments by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the Genocide Convention, on the one hand, and on international conventions and case law by the Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights, on the other. Next, recent ICTR decisions are examined, in which the ICTR has considerably clarified and extended the concept of incitement to genocide. The tribunal has brought it closer to encompassing vicious hate propaganda by acknowledging that in order to incite individuals to commit genocide, incitement in the sense of instigation is insufficient; it requires the prior creation of a certain climate in which the commission of such crimes is possible. Hate propaganda leads to the creation of such a climate. It is argued that, for several reasons, virulent hate propaganda must be accorded the status of an international crime. Genocide could be prevented more effectively if such speech were criminalized. Several efforts to outlaw hate propaganda internationally in the past are examined. The article concludes that it can be regarded as a crime punishable under the Genocide Convention if a purposive interpretative approach is used, and that hate propagandists should be prosecuted for direct and public incitement to genocide if their hate speech is engaged in with the specific intent to commit genocide, and creates a substantial danger of genocide.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Sutrisno Sutrisno ◽  
Dwi Haryadi ◽  
Jean Darc Noviayanti Manik

The application of additional punishment of the revocation of political rights in the form of voting and/or voting rights elected in the elections to the corruption convicts was as an attempt to eradicate the extraordinary Corruption of crime and part of severe punishment and a charge of corruption convicts. The purpose of this research, namely: first, to know and analyze the implementation requirements of additional punishment of revocation of political rights to corruption prisoners in the perspective of human rights; Second, to know and analyze the position of additional penalty for the revocation of political rights in the purpose of punishment in Indonesia. The type of research used is normative juridical research with a legal approach, conceptual approach, a case approach approach, and a comparative approach. The results of the study proved that: first, political rights can be classified in the right to freedom of thought and a conscience that is unable to be reduced under any circumstance and attached to the status of citizens. The application of the additional penalty was the act of degrading and dignity of corruption prisoners as citizens because of the impact on the elimination of Rights and the disclosure of political rights of corruption prisoners until its application does not meet the requirements of the restriction on human rights in the perspective of the relative-particulate matter; Secondly, the theory of the goal of punishment in accordance with Indonesian philosophy is correctional which is also a rationality of the implementation of prison sentence as does Law No. 12 of 1995 about Correctional. The position of additional penalty for revocation of political rights is as an instrument of conforming or contrary to the purpose of punishment in Indonesia, namely correctional throughout its application to open an opportunity for the elimination of rights and not accompanied by an attempt to recover the rights that have been revoked


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-107
Author(s):  
Dwi Susiati ◽  
Sri Setiadji

Abrasion is a natural disaster that results in the owner of the right to land losing the right to control, use or take advantage of the land, because the land is lost in part or in whole due to erosion by water. Article 27 of the Law On Agraria determines that property rights over land are destroyed if the land is destroyed. In this study, the author will analyze the legal status of property of land affected by abrasion with the formulation of the problem What is the legal status of property rights on land affected by abrasion according to Government Regulation Number 24 of 1997 concerning Land Registration and how to guarantee the protection of affected land rights abrasion. The results of this study are that the status of land rights affected by abrasion is abolished, both in the provisions of the Law On Agraria and Government Regulation Number 24 of 1997 concerning Land Registration because it is no longer compatible with physical data or juridical data as a strong evidence. The government has an obligation to provide guarantees and protection of rights to land affected by abrasion and those that have been affected by abrasion in part or in whole. On the basis of the state's right to control Article 2 of the Law On Agraria the state has the right to regulate land use, inventory, and maintenance to prevent and reduce the impact of abrasion on its citizens. The government can also provide compensation as contained in Article Number 24 of 2007 concerning Disaster Management which determines that the Government and regional governments are responsible for the implementation of disaster management.Abrasi merupakan bencana alam yang mengakibatkan pemilik hak atas tanah kehilangan hak untuk menguasai, menggunakan, atau mengambil manfaat atas tanah, karena tanah tersebut hilang sebagian atau seluruhnya akibat pengikisan oleh air. Pasal 27 UUPA menentukan hak milik atas tanah hapus, apabila tanahnya musnah. Pada penelitian ini, penulis akan menganalisa tentang status hukum hak milik atas tanah yang terkena abrasi dengan rumusan masalah Bagaimana status hukum hak milik atas tanah yang terkena abrasi menurut PP No. 24 Tahun 1997 tentang Pendaftaran Tanah  dan bagaimana jaminan perlindungan hak-hak tanah yang terdampak abrasi. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa status hak atas tanah yang terkena abrasi adalah hapus, baik dalam ketentuan UUPA maupun PP No. 24 Tahun 1997 tentang Pendaftaran Tanah karena tidak sesuai lagi dengan data fisik maupun data yuridis sebagai alat bukti yang kuat. Pemerintah mempunyai kewajiban untuk memberikan jaminan dan perlindungan hak-hak atas tanah yang terdampak abrasi maupun yang sudah terkena abrasi baik sebagian maupun seluruh tanahnya. Atas dasar hak menguasai oleh negara Pasal 2 UUPA negara berhak mengatur peruntukan, penggunaan, persediaan,dan pemeliharaan tanah untuk mencegah dan mengurangi dampak abrasi bagi warga negaranya. Pemerintah juga dapat memberikan ganti kerugian sebagaimana yang ada di dalam UU No. 24 Tahun 2007 tentang Penanggulangan Bencana yang menentukan bahwa Pemerintah dan pemerintah daerah menjadi penanggung jawab dalam penyelenggaraan penang-gulangan bencana.


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