scholarly journals The ulus elite of the Yakuts in the communicative space of the Russian state from the 17th to 19th centuries

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-364
Author(s):  
Andrian A. Borisov

The article discusses the incorporation of the elite of the Yakut uluses - traditional potestary institutions - into the Russian state through its communicative space. At the same time, a new interpretation of uluses is given as a special political form of organization of nomadic peoples. In view of their dispersed and mobile lifestyle, communication played an important role among them. With titles such as toyons, kniastsy , and "best people", the taxonomy of the representatives of the Yakut elite finds analogies among other nomadic peoples. The article discusses the genealogical principle of the legitimacy of power and the governance practice of the Russian state in Yakutia. This article breaks new ground by analyzing the routes and forms of political communication through which the influence of the Russian state on the ulus system in general and on the ulus elite in particular was carried out. The activities of the provincial administration in relation to toyons to make them Russian subjects are interpreted as a route for the formation of the communication space in the imperial outskirts. The delegations of the Yakut nobles to the Russian tsars of the 17th and 18th centuries, and the inclusion of Yakut elite representatives into the Russian nobility, expanded this space by increasing the Yakuts confidence in the ruling regime. The article also takes account of local features of this process, which influenced the rate and nature of incorporation. The paper characterizes the communicative practices of embedding the Yakut ulus elite into the district governance system of Yakutia. The author argues that typologically, the ideas of citizenship adopted in the Russian state and in the Yakut ulus elite coincided. The Yakut nobles, apparently, did not differ in this from the related Turkic-Mongol elites of Southern and Western Siberia, but differed, in turn, in the pace of transition to tsarist power, since the former had an alternative in the face of politically strong neighbors, for example, Dzungaria.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 149-155
Author(s):  
Alexey B. Panchenko

Yu. F. Samarin’s works are traditionally viewed through the prism of his affiliation with Slavophilism. His view of the state is opposed to the idea of the complex empire based on unequal interaction of the central power with the elite of national districts. At the same time it was important for Samarin to see the nation not as an ethnocultural community, but as classless community of equal citizens, who were in identical position in the face of the emperor. Samarin’s attitude to religion and nationality had pragmatic character and were understood as means for the creation of the uniform communicative space inside the state. This position for the most part conformed with the framework of the national state basic model, however there still existed one fundamental difference. Samarin considered not an individual, but the rural community that owned the land, to be the basic unit of the national state. As the result the model of national state was viewed as the synthesis of modernistic (classlessness, pragmatism, equality) and archaic (communality) features.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1488-1507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Takavarasha, Jr. ◽  
Eldred V. Masunungure

This chapter uses Illich's (1973) concept of conviviality for analysing the challenges and opportunities of using email for political communication in authoritarian states. Based on evidence from a case study of Zimbabwe's Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ), it contends that while conviviality allows the use of ICTs for political mobilisation, it also enables a counterproductive “big brother” effect. In addition to constant censorship and overt operations, covert strategies are often used for disrupting communication platforms. This calls for a framework for harnessing ICTs for political mobilisation. This chapter is a case study on how perceived state surveillance disrupted a vibrant communicative space in Zimbabwe. Based on evidence from the volumes of email traffic transacted over two weeks of panic, anger, and heroism, the chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities of using email for political mobilisation and warns against uncritical celebration of the role of ICTs in political mobilisation. It concludes by suggesting how the adaption of e-strategies from email marketing to political communication is among the skills that could break the tie between political opponents armed with the same convivial tools for political communication in the information age.


Hypatia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua St. Pierre

Drawing upon feminist, queer, and crip phenomenology, this essay argues that the distinct temporality of the lived, stuttering body disturbs the normalized “choreography” of communication and thereby threatens the disabled speaker's recognition as a speaking subject. Examined through the phenomenology of Maurice Merleau‐Ponty and Alfred Schutz, the disabled speaking body is temporally “out of step” with the normalized bodily rhythms and pace of communicative practices in relation to both lived and objective time. Disciplined for his incalculable and therefore irrational bodily choreography, the disabled speaker is foregrounded against an objective, instrumentally ordered world constituted by a disembodied and hegemonic “straight‐masculine” time. Although dominant communicative choreographies may often be unlivable for disabled speakers, cripping communicative time rejects the cardinal value of futurity and invites interlocutors to gather in a noninstrumentalized and nonproductive present. This reshaping of communicative space enacts new modes of relationality and opens up an array of communicative futures suppressed or cut off by straight‐masculine time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonu Bhaskar ◽  
Jeremy Tan ◽  
Marcel L. A. M. Bogers ◽  
Timo Minssen ◽  
Hishamuddin Badaruddin ◽  
...  

The tragic failure of the global supply chain in the face of the current coronavirus outbreak has caused acute shortages of essential frontline medical devices and personal protective equipment, crushing fear among frontline health workers and causing fundamental concerns about the sustainability of the health system. Much more coordination, integration, and management of global supply chains will be needed to mitigate the impact of the pandemics. This article describes the pressing need to revisit the governance and resilience of the supply chains that amplified the crisis at pandemic scale. We propose a model that profiles critical stockpiles and improves production efficiency through new technologies such as advanced analytics and blockchain. A new governance system that supports intervention by public-health authorities during critical emergencies is central to our recommendation, both in the face of the current crisis and to be better prepared for potential future crises. These reinforcements offer the potential to minimize the compromise of our healthcare workers and health systems due to infection exposure and build capacity toward preparedness and action for a future outbreak.


2020 ◽  

Whereas democracy still seemed to be triumphantly sweeping the world before the turn of the century, today it finds itself under immense pressure, not only as a viable political system, but also as a theoretical and normative concept. The coronavirus crisis has underlined and accelerated these developments. There are manifold reasons for this, above all the fundamental changes the state and society have undergone in the face of globalisation, digitalisation, migration, climate change and not least the current pandemic, to name the most significant of them. This volume analyses the changes to democracy in the 21st century and the crises it has experienced. In doing so, the book identifies where action is needed, on the one hand, and investigates appropriate, up-to-date reforms and the prospects for politics, political communication and political education, on the other. With contributions by Ulrich von Alemann, Bernd Becker, Frank Brettschneider, Frank Decker, Claudio Franzius, Georg Paul Hefty, Andreas Kalina, Helmut Klages, Uwe Kranenpohl, Pola Lehmann, Linus Leiten, Dirk Lüddecke, Thomas Metz, Ursula Münch, Ursula Alexandra Ohliger, Veronika Ohliger, Rainer-Olaf Schultze, Peter Seyferth, Hans Vorländer, Uwe Wagschal, Thomas Waldvogel and Samuel Weishaupt


1954 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Speier

American policy toward postwar Germany has gone through two major phases from the stand point of military affairs. Until 1950 Germany was kept disarmed; since 1950 the United States has sought the rearmament of Western Germany. The problems of information policy raised by the change, and the attitudes of the old German military elite in the face of this volte-face, have considerable interest for the student of political communication.


Author(s):  
Yu. S. Starostina ◽  
I. V. Chekulai ◽  
O. N. Prokhorova

The article is devoted to the problem of multifunctionality of value dominants in the discourse space of English communication. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that it is aimed at clarifying the conceptual guidelines of discourse-communicative linguoaxiology as a direction that is experiencing a stage of development of its own theoretical platform. English communication acts as a zone of manifestation of axiological attitudes, which serve as nuclear elements of both personal axiospheres of speakers and the social value system of English-speaking linguocultural communities. Nevertheless, the analysis of the functional system of axiological vectors has so far been sporadic and fragmentary. The article makes an attempt at the analysis of multifunctional loading of axiological dominants within the boundaries of the discourse field of English-based interpersonal communication. The purpose of the study is to develop a functional axiological set, i.e. a complex of interrelated functions fulfilled by value dominants in English discourse-communicative practices. The relevant methods of comparative content analysis and comparative analytical systematization have been employed as the methodological apparatus of the research. The results of the study consist in the formation of a five-component system-functional axiological set, implemented in the process of English communication, the analysis of functional potential of value dominants in terms of axiological levels, as well as the identification of the specificity of each component within the developed paradigm. Based on the results of the study, the authors formulate a reasoned conclusion that value dominants lay deep foundation that systematically defines the entire area of interpersonal communication due to the simultaneous realization of multifunctional potential. The components of functional axiological set, namely the social-regulatory, motivational, cultural-integrative, structure-forming and pragma-axiological functions, in the process of communicative actualization determine the speech behavior of those who participate in verbal interaction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 324
Author(s):  
Dmitry N. Ermakov ◽  
Grigory G. Popov ◽  
Galina N. Kaninskaya ◽  
Victoria M. Marasanova

The purpose of this article is to test the concept of A. Greif for the operation of the principle of establishing a balance of interests in Russian society in the face of increasing external threats. The article reveals the significance of the Veche as an institution that reflected the desire to establish a balance of interests of elites in Russian society. The author traces changes in the significance of the traditions of self-government in Russian lands with the increase of military threats. The content of the balance of interests in medieval Russian society is determined. The problematic method of historical analysis is applied to the study of the political processes of medieval Russia, and the problem of narodopravstvo is brought to the fore. The conceptual idea of A. Greif is confirmed in Russian medieval history. Deviations from the rule deduced by A. Greif under certain external conditions lead society to crises. The authors point out that the easing of military pressure from the nomads on North-Eastern Russia (1408) allowed the Moscow princes to concentrate their efforts on fighting potential internal opposition and other branches of the Rurik dynasty that occupied the great tables, as well as against the Novgorod Republic, which embodied the ancient Slavic state order. In the course of this struggle, the balance of interests between strata of Russian society was disrupted, which eventually resulted in the establishment of a brutal serfdom and a reactionary form of centralized government - autocracy. In South-Western and North-Western Russia, such conditions did not develop, so the old Slavic order was preserved there for a long time, but, due to military and political reasons, the States in these regions did not manage to maintain independence.


Communicology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 114-123
Author(s):  
S. S. Kamyshanskaya

The article represents the results of an actual analysis of the discussions on the site of the Valdai International Club over the past ten years in the context of the broadcast of the Russian message to the world as one of the instruments of Russian soft power. The author shows how the articulation of cultural, spiritual and political traditions of Russia occurs at the Valdai Forum as a platform for political communication and based on the appeal of the head of state to the problems of preserving cultural and national identity, forming a positive image of the state in the international arena, preserving national values and patriotic consciousness. A brief analysis is made of a number of fundamentally important thematic contours of the discussion by the Valdai Club members, which in recent years have become significant components of the formation of the Russian message to the world. Besides, the author substantiates the actualization of the concept of cultural imperative in the political science understanding of the cultural and value matrix of the Russian state and society in the Valdai discourse, and highlights an internal axiological aspect focused on civil-patriotic values, a sense of national identity, and the ideology of social justice.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahreza

Ethics of communication in politics is the value of communicating in political events. Political problems are activities in the highest hierarchy of social life. So this study will focus on political communicators, political messages and political channels. Political communicators are the main actors or who initiate the formation of messages up to the use of certain channels addressed to the recipients of political messages (political audiences). Political problems not only occur linearly (one-way), or interactionally limited in the form of action-reaction in the form of feedback (feedback) only, but there is a continuous (transactional). Transactionally materialized in the presence of "crucial talks". Starting from the first stage, which is a small talk in the form of consultation and minimal coordination between two or more political communicators, this atmosphere is because among them still the same in terms of views and interests. The second stage, the talks are in the form of discussions, negotiations or political lobbying between two or more compromises to determine the technical solution, because this stage of the different views but still an important one. The third stage, which is a crucial conversation where there are differences of views and differences of interests. Crucial conversation is a discussion between two or more people when (1) high stakes, (2) different opinions, and (3) High emotions. These conditions are usually resolved by voting or by walkout. In the face of a crucial conversation we can do three things: avoid, face in a good way, and deal with it in a bad way. Facing elections, feud is a necessity, there are differences of view will make the society split into two or several axis of politics. The election result that determines the winning Party that will propose the presidential candidate will be colored by political messages in the form of persuasive or negative (negative and black campaign). So that we can always keep the unity and the unity of the nation we must understand the meaning of politics with the maturity of thinking and empathy in the difference, so hopefully we can be a wise man.


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