scholarly journals INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS (INGOs) IN THE EVENTS OF THE «ARAB SPRING» IN EGYPT: ROLE, MECHANISMS OF INTERFERENCE AND RESULTS

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 749-759
Author(s):  
A.V. Shitova ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-Joachim Bürkner ◽  
James W Scott

As part of a repertoire of the European Union’s (EU’s) geopolitical practices, the imaginary of Mediterranean Neighbourhood is a means with which to manage dissonance between the EU’s self-image as a normative power, changing political situations in the region and the Realpolitik of security. We argue that this also involved a ‘politics of in/visibility’ that promotes democratization and social modernization through structured cooperation while engaging selectively with local stakeholders. In directing attention to EU readings of and responses to the ‘Arab Spring’, we indicate how both a simplification of the issues at stake and highly selective political framings of local civil societies have operated in tandem. Drawing on a review of recent literature on civil society activism in the southern Mediterranean, we specifically deal with Eurocentric appropriations of civil society as a force for change and as a central element in the construction of the Mediterranean Neighbourhood. EU support for South Mediterranean civil society appears to be targeted at specific actors with whom the EU deems it can work: apart from national elites these include well-established, professionalized non-governmental organizations, and westernized elements of national civil societies. As a result, recognition of the heterogeneous and multilocal nature of the uprisings, as well as their causes, has only marginally translated into serious European Neighbourhood Policy reform. We suggest that an inclusive focus on civil society would reveal Neighbourhood as a contact zone and dialogic space, rather than a project upon which the EU is (rather unsuccessfully) attempting to superimpose a unifying narrative of EU-led modernization.


Author(s):  
E. A. Antyukhova

The article explores the use of mechanisms in bringing down authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East and North Africa with the "Arab spring" in focus. The technique of "non-violent" methods of fight suggested by "godfather" of the "Arab spring" Gene Sharp is analyzed. It is noted that the distinctive features of his system were planned, determined and dynamic actions of protest forces. A special place in the article is devoted to the study of the role of non-governmental organizations in selecting and training protest leaders and activists and in creating a network of supporters of prodemocratic movements. The article examines the role of the Internet and cyber technologies used by the opposition during protest rallies. Non-violence as means of bringing down the existing power turned out to be an alternative to armed resistance. The key role of non-violent actions consisted in changing the point of view of anti-government forces, demonstrating that the public solidarity could make the regime overthrow possible. It is noted that the latest information means gave the process of political changes due activity and focus which was followed by the information actions designed to discredit the government in place and form the corresponding public opinion. Mediatization of politics promoted the creation of a dense information veil retouching a real picture. The overall system of methods used during the "the Arab spring" indicates that the mechanism of overthrowing authoritarian regimes and its technologies came from Western culture and were borrowed by Arab activists.


2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 118-120
Author(s):  
Elisa Ada Giunchi

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, some advocated a turn toward “tradition,”thereby raising fears that women would be pushed out of the public arena despitetheir active participation and would even lose those gains made underprevious governments. The debates around gender parity vs. complementaritythat were stirred up were not new, but they did manage to acquire new cogencyin the context of the emotionally charged deconstruction of the old politicalsystem and the subsequent transition to new governments.The arguments made by both sides were often couched within a frameworkof liberal human rights or in terms of Islamic tradition. Gender andEquality in Muslim Family Law is a valuable contribution to the discussionon the apparent contradiction between these discourses and a learned attemptto bridge them. The editors of this collective book, which stems from a numberof workshops organized by the Oslo Coalition on Freedom of Religion or Belief,explore how gender equality, as shaped by contemporary ideas of humanrights, can be reconciled with the Islamic legal tradition, which is rooted inpre-modern conceptions of justice.In the first chapter, Mir-Hosseini examines the classical fiqhī understandingof gender justice by focusing on qiwāmah (guardianship of women), whichis enshrined in most Muslim family codes, and overviews twentieth-centuryreforms and codifications. She also discusses the ideas of al-Tahir al-Haddad(d. 1935) and Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988), two reformists who influenced subsequentdiscourses on equality in the family within an Islamic framework.Her contribution ends with a looks at the emergence of political Islam, transnationalfeminism, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), all of whichadd a new dimension to preexisting debates.The rest of the book is divided into two sections. The first explores someconcrete efforts at legal reform and social activism that reconcile Islam andhuman rights. Mulki al-Sharmani delves into the concept of qiwāmah inEgyptian law and in courtroom practice, pointing out the legal strategiespursued by litigants and the disconnect between the model of marriage upheldby family codes and the actual practice of marriage. Marwa Sharafedinanalyzes Egyptian women’s rights NGOs and their discourse on personalstatus law that blend, to varying degrees, religious and human rights frames ...


2019 ◽  
pp. 103-117
Author(s):  
Lyubov Sadovskaya

The article is devoted to one of the forms of political representation systems development – youth parliamentarism in Africa. It guarantees a balance between power and a society where young Africans are the majority of voters. Youth parliamentarism is a form of civil society development. It contains the idea of including young people in parliamentary activities, training new politicians and managers. The article provides a comparative analysis of youth parliamentary structures at both regional and country levels and shows the ways of improving the system of youth parliamentarism on the continent. The relations between non-governmental organizations of youth and the state are in focus; they have their own characteristics in different countries. The article shows the problems faced by youth parliaments in the process of their work, first of all, the secondary importance of legislative bodies in the system of state power in most African countries. The African system of values and models of their reproduction are an obstacle to the development of youth parliamentarism. Gerontocratic customs, which prevent the rejuvenation of the political class, are the most powerfull. The study argues that youth parliaments can play an important role in the formation of future African leaders in perspective, they expand the political space for young activists who become a link between the government and youth. And this allows for the politicians to reduce the degree of protest movements that spread in Africa after the “Arab spring”.


2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (01) ◽  
pp. 27-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. E. Baumann

SummaryThe shift towards a rights-based approach to health which has taken place over the past decade has strengthened the role of civil society and their organizations in raising and claiming the entitlements of different social groups. It has become obvious that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are central to any successful multi-stakeholder partnership, and they have become more recognized as key actors in health policy and programme development and implementation. There is a broad spectrum of NGOs active in the area of mental health in Europe which aim to empower people with mental health problems and their families, give them a voice in health policy development and implementation and in service design and delivery, to raise awareness and fight stigma and discrimination, and foster implementation of obligations set by internationally agreed mental health policy documents. With the endorsement of the Mental Health Action Plan 2013-2020 (20) and the European Mental Health Action Plan (19) stakeholders agree to strengthen capacity of service user and family advocacy groups and to secure their participation as partners in activities for mental health promotion, disorder prevention and improving mental health services.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apostolos G. Papadopoulos ◽  
Christos Chalkias ◽  
Loukia-Maria Fratsea

The paper explores the challenges faced today, in a context of severe economic crisis, by immigrant associations (ΙΜΑs) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Greece. The data analysed here was collected between October 2009 and February 2010 and incorporates references to all recorded migration-related social actors operating in Greece. The paper takes into account such indicators as legal form, objectives, financial capacity and geographical range of activity, concluding with a typology of civil society actors dealing with migration issues. This study aims at informing the migration policymaking and migrant integration processes. By a spatial hot-spot clustering of IMAs and NGOs, we also illustrate the concentration patterns of civil society actors in Greece.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
V. S. CHAUHAN ◽  
BHANUMATI SINGH ◽  
SHREE GANESH ◽  
JAMSHED ZAIDI

Studies on air pollution in large cities of India showed that ambient air pollution concentrations are at such levels where serious health effects are possible. This paper presents overview on the status of air quality index (AQI) of Jhansi city by using multivariate statistical techniques. This base line data can help governmental and non-governmental organizations for the management of air pollution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Robyn Gulliver ◽  
Kelly S. Fielding ◽  
Winnifred Louis

Climate change is a global problem requiring a collective response. Grassroots advocacy has been an important element in propelling this collective response, often through the mechanism of campaigns. However, it is not clear whether the climate change campaigns organized by the environmental advocacy groups are successful in achieving their goals, nor the degree to which other benefits may accrue to groups who run them. To investigate this further, we report a case study of the Australian climate change advocacy sector. Three methods were used to gather data to inform this case study: content analysis of climate change organizations’ websites, analysis of website text relating to campaign outcomes, and interviews with climate change campaigners. Findings demonstrate that climate change advocacy is diverse and achieving substantial successes such as the development of climate change-related legislation and divestment commitments from a range of organizations. The data also highlights additional benefits of campaigning such as gaining access to political power and increasing groups’ financial and volunteer resources. The successful outcomes of campaigns were influenced by the ability of groups to sustain strong personal support networks, use skills and resources available across the wider environmental advocacy network, and form consensus around shared strategic values. Communicating the successes of climate change advocacy could help mobilize collective action to address climate change. As such, this case study of the Australian climate change movement is relevant for both academics focusing on social movements and collective action and advocacy-focused practitioners, philanthropists, and non-governmental organizations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (09) ◽  
pp. 21041-21049 ◽  
Author(s):  
I Putu Sudana Satria Artha ◽  
Nyoman Utari Vipriyanti ◽  
I Putu Sujana

Garbage can be interpreted as a consequence of the activities of human life. It is undeniable, garbage will always be there as long as life activities continue to run. Every year, it can be ascertained that the volume of waste will always increase along with the increasing pattern of public consumerism. The landfill which is increasingly polluting the environment requires a technique and management to manage waste into something useful and of economic value, Bantas Village, Selemadeg Timur District, Tabanan Regency currently has a Waste Management Site (TPS3R) managed by Non-Governmental Organizations (KSM ) The source of waste comes from Households, Stalls, Restaurant Entrepreneurs, Schools, Offices and Ceremonies which are organic and inorganic waste. The waste management system at Bantas Lestari TPS with 3R system is Reduce (reduction of waste products starts from the source), Reuse (reuse for waste that can be reused) and Recycle (recycling waste) to date it is still running but not optimal. The method used in this research is descriptive quantitative with data analysis using SWOT analysis. This study produces a Waste Management Strategy which is the result of research from the management aspect, aspects of human resources and aspects of infrastructure facilities.


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