scholarly journals The Life and Death of the Manghit Qarachi-bek, Divei

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-422
Author(s):  
Alexander G. Bakhtin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Leader ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Russian State ◽  
In Captivity ◽  
Ivan The Terrible ◽  
External Dependence

Research objectives: To trace the fate of the sixteenth-century aristocrats from the Mansur kin of the Crimean Manghits, namely the brothers Baki, Khoja-Akhmed, Ak-Bibi, and Divei. To identify their role in political events in Eastern Europe and to establish the circumstances of the capture, stay in captivity, and the death of Divei – the most famous of these brothers. Research materials: Chronicles, Razriad books, diplomatic documents, folklore, and secondary materials of historical research. Results and novelty of the research: The author traced the fate of the brothers from the noble Maghit kin of Mansur, namely Baki, Khoja-Akhmed, Ak-Bibi and Divei, three of whom became Qarachi-beks in Crimea. They participated in the political life of Crimea, the Nogai Horde, Astrakhan, Azov, the Russian state, Hungary, and Iran. Prince Divei was a typical steppe bagatur, a seeker of fame and fortune, as well as an active enemy of the Russian State. He repeatedly raided the Russian lands and displayed outstanding abilities as a commander. He was aggressive, brave, determined, and cruel. In 1572, he commanded the Crimean troops in the Battle of Molodino and was captured by the Russians. The capture of their commander was one of the reasons for the defeat of the Crimeans. This event once more saved the Russian state from external dependence. Devlet-Girei Khan made considerable efforts to free the Qarachi-bek during the battle, but these were in vain. Attempts to redeem or exchange the prisoner were likewise in vain. Ivan the Terrible was aware of the threat posed by this figure and did not want to free his noble prisoner. In 1576, the death of Prince Divei was announced in Moscow. Historiography calls into question his death in 1575. There is an opinion that Divei was baptized and entered the service of Ivan the Ter­rible under the name of Daniil-murza. In this article, the author contends that those historians who compared Divei with Daniil-murza approached the issue superficially, not considering all the sources, and therefore came to the wrong conclusions. These began to be repeated in subsequent publications. Prince Divei and Daniil-murza were different persons. Divei did not agree to accept Orthodoxy and was executed. The elimination of the famous military leader from its political life contributed to a decrease in the aggression of the Crimean Khanate towards Russia as well as the destabilization of the political situation in Crimea.

المساعي السياسية والإصلاحية للإمام أبي الوليد الباجي

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 537-548
Author(s):  
Sebbane Habib ◽  
Omar Boukhri
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Umayyad Caliphate ◽  
Scientific Life

After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate, the Andalusian Islamic state witnessed a political rupture as a result of chaos, rivalries and sectarian conflicts throughout the fifth century AH corresponding to the eleventh century AD. These dangerous security breakdowns led to the disintegration and division of the Islamic Caliphate in Andalusia into a group of independent kingdoms and small emirates which ultimately found themselves on one hand in permanent wars between them, and on the other in skirmishes with the neighbouring Christian forces. This fact contributed to lack of stability and peace of these lands and the establishment of weak governing systems for a long time. This political situation stressed the worsening of their social conditions and their scientific life. Nevertheless, this situation generated a motivating nostalgia and rage in some scholars and jurists such as Imam Abū al-Walīd al-Bājī who is considered one of the key-figures and scholars of Andalusia. He had a prominent role in pushing forward and reviving scientific life by setting various new foundations in order to reform some fields. His writings were directed for educational purposes. Besides, he included the reform of Islamic jurisprudence, which was aimed primarily for jurists and rulers. Furthermore, some of his writings were sermons and ethical moral instructions for commoners. His endeavours led him to enter the political life as he assumed the judicial profession of a judge, that enabled him to be in more touch with the various kings of sects giving him the chance to advise and guide them. His efforts in that end resulted in seeking to reunite the kings of the sects and their princes under the banner of Islam and unite their forces for the defence of Muslim presence in Andalusia against the Christian threat.

ENTREPRENEURS OF THE CENTRAL BLACK EARTH REGION IN 1917 - EARLY 1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Historiography

On the basis of published and previously unexplored archival materials from Voronezh, Orel, Kursk, Tambov, Bryansk, the self-organization and relationship with the government of entrepreneurs of the Central Black Earth Region in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1918 is studied. Studying this social group is important for understanding the balance of power in the region. The author comes to the conclusion that entrepreneurs, despite their active participation in political life in the spring and summer of 1917, due to the preservation of traditional ideas about power and the desire to protect and enhance their rights, could not have a significant impact on the development of the political situation in the region. Entrepreneurs did not enjoy exclusive support from government bodies, including government, which refutes the concept that existed in Soviet historiography about the bourgeois nature of the February regime. Moreover, in resolving conflicts, the authorities in 1917 tried to take into account, first of all, the interests of workers. This situation worsened even more for the bourgeoisie with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who not only supported workers' demands, but also openly robbed entrepreneurs with the help of indemnities. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace, the Soviet government (especially by the summer of 1918) tried to resolve relations between workers and employers for mutual benefit. At the same time, during the period under study, conflicts between workers and employers reached a high intensity relatively rarely, leaving room for agreements and dialogue, which, however, narrowed.

The King's Affinity in the Polity of Yorkist England

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. L. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Formal Group ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
Life And Death ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

The rise and fall of the house of York is a story which sits uneasily towards both revolutionary and evolutionary interpretations of fifteenth-century England. Indeed, in general, attempts to tidy away the political process of Lancastrian and Yorkist times into the displacement of one type of régime by another always fail to convince. They do so because as a régime neither Lancaster nor York kept still long enough to be impaled on a categorical definition. The political life and death of both dynasties composes the pattern, changing yet constant, of a set of variations on the theme of an aristocratic society pre-dominantly kingship-focused and centripetal rather than locality-focused and centrifugal. In so far as the political process conformed to the social order, the households of the great were the nodal connections in which relationships of mutual dependence cohered. Those retinues, fellowships, affinities (for the vocabulary of the time was rich in terms overlapping but with nuances of descriptive emphasis) have now been studied both in their general conformation and in several particular instances; I have here attempted for the central affinity of the king over one generation not a formal group portrait but a sketch focused on the middle distance of figures in a landscape. The meagreness of household records in the strict sense is a problem we must learn to live with. But it would seem sensible to make a virtue of necessity and follow the life-line of what evidence there is to the conclusion that if an understanding of the household is only possible by attending to its wider context, so an understanding of that wider political scene requires some attention to the household.

Modern Polities in Thailand

1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182
Author(s):  
Frank C. Darling
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Military Leader ◽  
Present Trend ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constitutional Regime

The seizure of the government by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat in September, 1957, was more than the assumption of political power by another military leader in Thailand, and the overthrow of the former regime headed by Field Marshal Phibun Songkhram marked a definite turning point in the evolution of the Thai political system. After experimenting with constitutional democracy for almost twenty-five years, Thailand turned to a new form of political rule. The purpose of this article is to survey briefly the development of the Thai political system since the beginning of the constitutional regime in June, 1932, and to assess the present trend of the Sarit government in a country where military officers have long played a pre-eminent role in the political life of the nation.

scholarly journals Right Moments

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
Manu Samnotra
Keyword(s):  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Events

Abstract This essay uses the political writings of Hannah Arendt to explore the virtue of courage. Courage is regarded as a risk taken in the pursuit or defense of some normative end. But what does political courage look like when, as an outgrowth of neoliberal optimism, our sense of the present and the risks it poses to our cherished normative aims is itself dilated? The answer that this essay proposes is that we must think of courage in its relationship to kairos (timeliness). Using Arendt's writings on the pariah tradition, this essay suggests three vectors of timely courage. These are keeping pace with political events as they unfold; withdrawing from political life to care concretely for others; and finally, developing a sensibility for the new through artistic creations that give insights into our shared future.

scholarly journals The political life of the occupied territory of the Luhansk region in the print media

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
К. М. Котеленець ◽  
І. І. Боровенська
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Print Media ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Neutral Context ◽  
Occupied Territory ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Media ◽  
Number Of Publications ◽  
Economic Nature

The article deals with the public life of the occupied territory of the Lugansk region in printed mass media. This methodology of research, painted methods and methodology of the research of printed mass media, a sample is drawn up. The article presents some results of the content analysis of newspapers that were printed during the year in three settlements of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, namely Lugansk, Stakhanov (Kadyivka) and Antratsyt. The papers of selected newspapers reflecting social processes in the occupied territory of the Luhansk region have been analyzed. It is the media that makes it possible to conclude that newspapers have an information content direction that the information they provide most often has a household or an economic nature, and that focus is on situational events. It is proved that a lot of publications are paid to the political life of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic. However, it has been found that the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities is almost the same. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context. As for publications on international political events, there are very few such publications, which suggests preserving political thought within the two countries and directly by the LNR. After analyzing publications in the print media of the so-called Luhansk People’s Republic, the authors concluded that the political life of the occupied territory is most frequently covered. An interesting fact was the number of publications about Ukrainian or Russian authorities. They do not have much discrepancy. It was also discovered that, although there are newspapers and negative articles about Ukraine, it is still more often covered in a neutral context.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian People’s Gromada in the Civil War: Ukrainian Conservatives, Russian Statists, or Little Russian Patriots?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central State ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Short Period ◽  
State Archives

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.

scholarly journals MENTALITY INFLUENCE ON POLITICAL EVENTS IN UKRAINE

10.23856/4327 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 211-219
Author(s):  
Danylo Stonis
Keyword(s):  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Territorial Development ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Rapid Pace ◽  
The Stability

Since the declaration of independence, Ukraine has been involved in a rapid pace of events, aimed at building statehood and understanding the direction of the political course. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to understand why, despite a series of revolutions, Russian aggression and numerous difficult steps to democratize the country through decentralization and territorial development, Ukraine has not yet formed a clear political course and ensured the stability of key state institutions, such as judicial, police and taxation systems. Such questions arise quite often and probably do not have an unambiguous answer. This article is devoted to those aspects of the Ukrainian mentality that have caused the current political situation in the state. The article reveals why, despite a series of revolutions, Russian aggression and a number of important steps to democratize countries through decentralization and territorial development, Ukraine does not form a clear political course and does not ensure the stability of key state institutions, such as the judicial, police and tax systems. The article utilizes the method of analysis, which is based on the comparison of historical events and their reflection in modern conditions. In addition to the aforementioned, the method of induction is introduced, which provides possibility of identifying a pattern in the presence of a limited amount of observations of recurring historical events. The article contains sections that consistently consider the historical facts, that have influenced the formation of the mentality of Ukraine, which has a significant impact on the formation of society and the choice of the leader, elected by the society. The article seeks to reveal the causes of certain political events in Ukraine from the influence of the Ukrainian mentality on them and to consider those aspects of it that hinder or help Ukrainians in the difficult process of state building. The purpose of the article is to determine the factors shaping the Ukrainian mentality that have an impact on the political processes that have been taking place for decades in Ukraine. The article does not criticize or accept the Ukrainian mentality, but on the contrary, reveals its historical stages of formation and influence on political processes in Ukraine in order to analyze, understand and predict them.

scholarly journals Armia czasów wojny w procesie politycznym w Rosji w 1917 roku

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Igor Grebenkin
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Social ◽  
Military Command ◽  
The Revolution

The article is devoted to the Russian army position in the political process during the revolution of 1917 in Russia. The war period army identity as a social phenomenon, the conditions of its transformation into country political life subject are discussed. The character and the causes of the social political climate of different military men categories on the eve of the revolution are determined. The role of military contingents, institutes, central military figures in the main political events of 1917, such as February and October revolutions, July political crisis, General L. G. Kornilov’s march-off is represented. The main regulatory acts of the new government concerning the army, such as Order 1 of Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and “Declaration of a Soldier and Citizen Rights”, and their influence on the development of the inside situation in the army are considered. The special focus is on the main courses of the army life politization and the political military men’s activity, that are the work of army offices, military social organizations, volunteer campaigns in the front line and the back land. The stages and the particular characteristics of the political leaders and military command authority cooperation are specified.

scholarly journals Reflections on 1989

Focaal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2010 (58) ◽  
pp. 105-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Ost
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Events

Perhaps the most surprising part of my recollection of 1989 is to recall the large part of it that was not surprising at all. Because nothing had gotten back to “normal” in Poland in the 1980s, the political events of that decade always happened with Solidarity as the “other.” Because the political situation never seemed resolved, it was always in flux. What happened in 1989 was thus treated initially as part of that flux, by me and by Polish political actors themselves.

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