State and Society in Nineteenth-Century China

1955 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franz Michael

Communist China has broken with the Chinese cultural tradition, which it attacks and condemns. This break was prepared in part by the transformation of China during the declining years of imperial rule and in Republican times. But whereas this period was marked by the disintegration and disappearance of old institutions and some uncertainty about things to come, a new, rigid doctrine and social structure are now being introduced to integrate a new society within a totalitarian state. The old values have been discarded, but some of the organizational patterns of the past have been carried over, or have reappeared in the new system. The Communists are attempting to impose their system on Chinese society through the agency of an ideologically oriented elite which not only holds official position in government but also controls society itself. The degree of success which this system achieves may depend in part on the extent to which Chinese society has been prepared by its tradition to accept a centralized bureaucratic state working through a trained elite. In addition to helping us to assess the degree of preconditioning in China for Communist rule, an analytical study of imperial China may provide us with a greater understanding of the social and political techniques which a bureaucratic state employs, and which become of such special importance for a totalitarian government. What, then, were the key features of the imperial state and society which the Communists have retained or replaced in their own way, and what was the role played by the educated elite of the past?The imperial state aimed at a strong control over Chinese society. The struggle to keep an all-powerful central rule was the dominant concern of every Chinese dynasty. The center of all authority was the emperor and the court, the embodiment of the interests of the state. Serving the emperor was a group of officials, small in number compared with the size of the country and the population, and with the importance of the functions to be carried out. These officials represented the interests of the state as a whole—its concern with the well-being or acquiescence of all groups of the population. The last Chinese dynasty had in addition special support from a group which served the state without being a part of Chinese society. The Manchus had come as conquerors from the frontier of the Chinese empire, with their forces militarily organized into units known as “banners.” When the Manchu dynasty was set up, the Manchu banners were kept apart from the Chinese people and the bannermen remained an inner core of dynastic supporters used both as a military force and in key official positions. But these bannermen were only a small group, largely unqualified for the complex tasks of Chinese administration, and thus the Manchu dynasty, like its predecessors, had to recruit its state administration from Chinese society.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-94
Author(s):  
Idan Breier

Abstract R. Ḥaim David Halevy was an exceptional voice in the Religious-Zionist camp in Israel. While espousing faithfulness to the halakhah, he recognized the importance of changing circumstances with respect both to halakhic rulings and philosophical issues arising in Hebrew law. He viewed the study of history as a practical imperative, necessary to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past. Frequently adducing biblical texts, he argued that Israel must learn from the patriarchs and maintain a strong military force. In particular, the events leading to the destruction of the Temple and exile prompted him to posit that the State should remain neutral and not take an active part in international affairs. On the basis of the historiographical and prophetic literature, he maintained that fidelity to the divine covenant – i.e., ethical conduct – would safeguard Israel’s existence.


1990 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Lavely ◽  
James Lee ◽  
Wang Feng

As recently as one decade ago, there was no “field” of Chinese demography. There were virtually no demographers of China and little available data. It is fair to say that China was at once the largest and the least known of any human population.The change has been sudden. New sources of data now place China among the better-documented national populations. Publications on Chinese population have boomed. In consequence, we can now speak of a field of Chinese demography, although it is hardly in a steady “state.” We can only outline the explosion of demographic research that is continually expanding and refining our understanding of Chinese population today and in the past. This outpouring of data and knowledge provides unprecedented opportunities for the study of Chinese society and offers unusual challenges to our understanding of comparative population dynamics.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-55
Author(s):  
Younghoon Rhee

A comparison of Choson census registers from Sanŭm-hyon and Ming census registers from Huizhou clearly reveal structural differences between the two regarding the state and society. The main focii for comparison are relations between household and family, status of household members, the existence (or not) of a slave status such as nobi, the administrative structure for compiling the registers, and, through them, the characteristics of how the state governed the farming class. The study shows that during the Choson period, farmers were awarded tasks and duties (chik'yok) on an individual basis by the state, through which their social status was determined. Many of the farmers were nobi, enslaved men and women working either for the state or for yangban and government officials. The structure of the household between individual families was not necessarily uniform; an internal two-strata structure of chuho and hyopho is evident, higher and lower status households. State rule of the farming communities also showed a dual structure, with household members and land separated. It is very clear that inevitably the state governed only indirectly, through local petty officials of the “local scribe” (hyangni) class. Not only did these aspects not exist in contemporary Ming society but even in comparison with pre-Song history, Choson society exhibited special structural characteristics, in that it was not a centralized bureaucratic state like that which developed in the Ming.


2020 ◽  
pp. 308-321
Author(s):  
I. V. Skipina ◽  
E. I. Dubnitskaya

The 1941—1945 correspondence between servicemen and fellow countrymen, kept in the State Archives of the Tyumen Region is examined in the article. Letters are considered as documents with high information potential, giving new knowledge about the war, obtained on the basis of studying the communications of ordinary participants in the events. The purpose of the publication is to show letters from the front as a source on the history of everyday life, filled with communication of close people on issues important to them, allowing them to reconstruct their life activities, analyze the experience of the past, and use the results of research in modern reality. Correspondence allows us to consider military everyday life as part of big politics and as a personal experience, to expand the source component of the discourse on the history of the Great Patriotic War, contributing to a scientific assessment of the experience and understanding of its historical significance. It is proved that collective and personal letters, appeals “to power” testify that the war, having become a time of difficult trials, stimulated the formation of an identity characterized by the unity of the state and society with the prevalence of socially significant values over individual ones.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-182
Author(s):  
Song Chen

Historians have long aspired to see beyond the rise and fall of dynasties to the longue durée and the major changes over time in Chinese society. The five empirically rich and theoretically sophisticated books discussed in this essay all share this goal. While they make distinct contributions, they have in common close attention to the relationships between the state, the elite, and local institutions between the late Tang and Qing periods. Reading them together encourages rethinking the state-and-society issues that historians have been debating for a generation. In this essay, after a brief summary of each book's major contributions, I suggest ways they help us conceptualize the long-term processes of continuity and change from the late Tang to the Qing.


Author(s):  
I Ketut Ardhana

Due to the increased tourism development in Bali, there have been significant changes in Balinese views in the practices of their ritual and religious lives. Previously populated almost exclusively by Hindu Balinese, Bali has evolved to be a multicultural society resulting from the increased migration of people, ethnicities and ideas. In the past, any ritual and religious activities in accordance with the humanistic religious management had been carried out in the traditional kingdoms. However, the downfall of those traditional kingdoms has affected the emergence of significant issues in relation to who will be in charge in the ritual and religious activities that demand much financial outlay. This has brought about important issues in relation to the decrease in the Balinese who adhere to Hinduism, since most of them have no time to arrange these kinds of activities as most work in the tourist sector that demands effectiveness and efficiency. There are many questions to be discussed in this paper, namely, Firstly: What is the role of the state and society in the management of the ritual and religious activities in Bali? Secondly: What kinds of alternative solutions can solve the problems? And, Thirdly: How can these issues faced by the Balinese, be managed, since the Balinese do not only consist of followers of the Hindu religion but also other religions such as Islam, Christianity (Protestant and Catholic), Buddhism and Confucianism as well as the local beliefs that have been recognized by the state in the Reform period since 1998? Through answering these questions, it is expected to have a better understanding of the role of the state and society in the context of indigenous practices in Ritual and Religious Activities of Bali Hinduism in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 158-163
Author(s):  
Hilola Abdurakhmonova

Замонавий шароитда сиёсий коммуникацияни тадқиқ этишнинг умумназарий ва методологик жиҳатлари ахборотлаштиришда ижтимоий омиллар таҳлили, ўтмиш олимларининг сиёсий назариянинг умумий муаммоларига бағишланган асарлари, давлат ва жамиятнинг ўзаро муносабатлари, сиёсий ҳокимиятнинг моҳияти ва механизмлари кўриб чиқилган. В статье рассматриваются общетеоретические и методологические стороны политической коммуникации в контексте современных социально-политических аспектов коммуникации, дается анализ социальных факторов формирования информационного общества, а также рассматриваются общие проблемы политической теории различных ученых, взаимодействие государства и общества, сущность и механизмы политической власти. This article discusses various aspects of political communication, the context of modern social and political aspects of political communication, the analysis of social factors in the formation of information society, the general problems of the political theory of the past, the interaction of the state and society, the essence and mechanisms of political power.


1983 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 28-32
Author(s):  
Gianni Magazzeni

The political philosophy of Hegel, in particular his concept of the state, acquired new impulse early in the 1930a. The crisis of the perlimentary system in Italy or rather of its liberal cultural tradition was apparently the reason for it. Yet this return to Hegel also brought about an improved ability of Italian philosophers to face the mushrooming trends of historical materialism, sociology, socialism and, of course, nationalism. They were all legacies of the very end of the past century which became realities to be deal with just afterwards. They demanded a more appropriate hermeneutic than could be provided by the spiritualism of Platonic origin or by the neo-Kantism previously dominant. Quite simply, Hegel came to be the answer of the Italian academia to a period of intense change and crisis in both political and cultural spheres. Hegel supplied a systematic rational framework within which experience could find the deeper understanding that the time seemed to require. Nonetheless his philosophy unified and internationalised the Italian cultural scene. Unification here does not imply a homogeneity of interpretation. Hegel's system had not been thoroughly mastered and so a ‘true’ understanding could not be possible. Single parts of Hegel's philosophy were not read or interpreted in keeping with the whole system, and connection, when realised, coincided more with the belief of the reader than with the intentions of the author.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-42
Author(s):  
Saad Ali Khan

Almost a decade ago in 2009, a landmark decision of the Supreme Court of Pakistan set the trajectory for transgender community’s future. This was considered as the first step that ignited a new spirit among the transgender community in Pakistan; and they started actively pursuing the struggle for their fundamental rights. Transgender community in Pakistan has been marginalized since the inception of Pakistan. In Pakistan, transgender individuals have been pushed to the margins/peripheries of the society facing extreme levels of discrimination, rejection, stigmatization, violence and “otherness”. For years, both state and society have considered these individuals and their communities as “others”, “abnormal” or “threat to the structure of the society”. Faced with these conditions, the transgender community also passively withdrew from the mainstream and accepted this as their fate. This article is aimed to explore and analyze the transition in the status and condition of transgender community in the last decade (2009-2019). It is also aimed to highlight the role of transgender community and other actors in bringing about the change in their status. Reviewing the last decade of activism led by the transgender community and other actors; it is demonstrated in this article that the transgender community has gained momentous/historic achievements (especially legal) since then. From extreme marginalization and stigmatization: they have started to earn respected status in the society. While in the past they were considered as “outcastes” and “others” by the society and state alike, now, they are mostly considered as an integral part of the society especially by the state.


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