Elections and the Democratic Class Struggle

1986 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Jackman
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Lower Income ◽  
Typical Form ◽  
Industrial Democracies ◽  
The Right

It is commonly believed that elections in the industrial democracies reflect a democratic class struggle, according to which lower-income voters support parties of the Left while higher-income voters protect their interest by voting for parties of the Right. This interpretation hinges critically on a series of implicit assumptions. First, the class-struggle thesis assumes that most industrial democracies have majoritarian political institutions. Second, it assumes that the typical form of political competition follows the responsible-parties model, which implies, among other things, that parties are fundamentally programmatic, adopting distinctive positions along a left-right continuum. When these assumptions are evaluated in light of the available evidence on the nature of party systems, political competition, and voting behavior, they are judged to be largely implausible. Thus, the democratic-class-struggle thesis constitutes a seriously flawed interpretation of elections.

scholarly journals Land and Power: Theory and Evidence from Chile

2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (5) ◽  
pp. 1737-1765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Marie Baland ◽  
James A Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Power Theory ◽  
Employment Relationships ◽  
Secret Ballot ◽  
Client Relationships ◽  
The Right

Many employment relationships concede rents to workers. Depending on the political institutions, the presence of such rents allows employers to use the threat of withdrawing them to control their workers' political behavior, such as their votes in the absence of secret ballot. We examine the effects of the introduction of the secret ballot in Chile in 1958 on voting behavior. Before the reforms, localities with more pervasive patron-client relationships tended to exhibit a much stronger support for the right-wing parties, traditionally associated with the landed oligarchy. After the reform, however, this difference across localities completely disappeared. (JEL D72, N46, O13, O15, O17)

Dialectics, Rhetoric, and Functional Issues in Early Modern Hungarian Religious Disputes. Polemics Research in a Long Reformation Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Csilla Gabor
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Religious Diversity ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
Typical Form ◽  
The Right

The study deals with 16th and 17th century Hungarian printed polemical works considering religious disputes a typical form of communication in the age of Reformation and Catholic renewal. Its conceptual framework is the paradigm or research method of the long Reformation as an efficient assistance to the discovery and appreciation of early modern theological-religious diversity. The analysis examines several kinds of communication which occurs in the (religious) dispute, and explores the rules and conventions along which the (verbal) fighting takes place. Research shows that the opponents repeatedly refer to the rules of dialectics refuting each other’s standpoints accusing them of faulty argumentation, i.e., the wrong use of syllogisms. Dialectics is, namely, in this context not the ars with the help of which truth is found but with which evident truth is checked and justified in a way that the opponents can also be educated to follow the right direction.

Open Democracy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
The People ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The Right ◽  
Turn Over ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.

scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI POLITIK PASANGAN CALON TUNGGAL TERHADAP PERILAKU MEMILIH MASYARAKAT KEFAMENANU PADA PILKADA 2015 DI KABUPATEN TTU PROVINSI NTT

2016 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veki Edizon Tuhana ◽  
Pawito , ◽  
Mahendra Wijaya ,
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Candidate Pair ◽  
Study Population ◽  
Political Message ◽  
Independent Path ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The process of local elections is the right of every citizen to choose their leaders directly correspond running from an independent path to meet certain requirements. Concurrent local elections 2015 in Indonesia, which is in North Central Timor with a single candidate pair. Couples candidate election time carried out. This article is the result of research exploring: 1) analyzing the relationship between political communicator (single candidate pair) to the effects (voting behavior of society); 2) analyzing the relationship between the political message to the effect (voting behavior of society); 3) analyzing the relationship between media and interpersonal channels of the effect (voting behavior of society); 4) effects (voting behavior of society); As for the type of research is quantitative research with survey method.The study population was the whole community voters in District Kefamenanu City. The conclusions ofthe research and discussion is no relationship between political communicator with effect (voting behavior of society), there is a relationship between a political message to the effect, there is a relationship between are not have a relationship with the effects. Keywords: Political communication, single candidate pair, the public voting behavior Abstrak Proses Pemilihan Kepala Daerah merupakan hak bagi setiap warga negara untuk memilih langsung pemimpinnya sesuai keyakinan dan penilaiannya terhadap calon yang diusulkan oleh masing-masing partai atau gabungan partai, atau yang mencalonkan diri dari jalur independen dengan memenuhi syarat tertentu. Pilkada serentak Tahun 2015 di Indonesia, salah satunya di Provinsi NTT, yaitu di Kabupaten Timor Tengah Utara (TTU) dengan pasangan calon tunggal. Proses pilkada pasangan calon tunggal merupakan hal yang menarik karena sepanjang sejarah demokrasi dan sistem politik Indonesia baru pertama kali dilakukan. Artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian yang mengeksplorasi: 1) Menganalisis hubungan komunikator politik (pasangan calon tunggal) terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat);2) Menganalisis hubungan pesan politik terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); 3) Menganalisis hubungan media dan saluran interpersonal terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); 4) Menganalisis hubungan model pendekatan sosiologis (agama yang dianut dan jenis pekerjaan) terhadap efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat); adapun jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kuantitatif dengan metode survei. Populasi penelitian adalah seluruh masyarakat pemilih di Kecamatan Kota Kefamenanu. Adapun kesimpulan dari hasil penelitian dan pembahasan adalah ada hubungan antara komunikator politik dengan efek (perilaku memilih masyarakat), ada hubungan antara pesan politik dengan efek, ada hubungan antara media dan saluran dengan efek, model pendekatan sosiologis (agama yang dianut dan jenis pekerjaan) tidak mempunyai hubungan dengan efek. Kata kunci: Komunikasi politik, pasangan calon tunggal, perilaku memilih masyarakat

scholarly journals Neopatrimonialism and Party Clientelism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teimuraz Kareli
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Basic Features ◽  
The Right ◽  
Party Dominance ◽  
Ruling Party

The article deals with the features of formation of the party systems in the post-Soviet space. To understand the specific processes, the attention is focused on the inverse logic of the post-Soviet states, the basic features of which can be expressed by the concept of neopatrimonialism. In this context the functioning features of political parties, their principal tasks and the logic of creating the "power party" are described. The article examines the key criteria for the concept of the dominant party, such as its ability to consistently and steadily win the elections, the significant duration of its stay in power, as well as its personnel Control over the government. In the sociopolitical discourse the "power party" enjoys a privileged ideological position and has more opportunities compared to its competitors to appeal to voters. Along with that the party dominance reveals itself not only in its external manifestation (the stay in power), but also in the substantial one – the ability to exercise an effective political choice. The article analyzes the factors of sustainability of the "power party" systems: the historical merits of the "power party"; the ruling party’s ability to effectively take advantage of the electoral system; its strong relationships with the most affluent social groups and major corporations, as well as with the predominant ethnic or linguistic social groups; a privileged access of the ruling party to media resources. These factors are also effective in the polycentric political systems without any dominant party. However, under the dominant party systems they manifest themselves in a complex way, providing the ruling camp with a multi-layered protection due to a synergy effect. Particular attention is paid to the phenomenon of clientelism, widely used by the ruling party as a strategy of political mobilization. However, if discrimination arose by clientelism reaches the level that denies clients the right to choose, this is certainly not consistent with the rules of democracy.

Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Nina Grishina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Special Problem ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Independent State ◽  
World Government ◽  
The Right

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.

Surveys and the Study of Latin American Politics

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan E. Carlin
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Public Opinion Surveys

To understand Latin American politics, one must view it through the eyes and minds of Latin Americans. Since the middle of the 20th century, pollsters in academia, government, and industry have fielded public opinion surveys in an attempt to do just that. Although they are not typically considered political institutions, polls and surveys influence a variety of political processes directly and indirectly thanks to the legitimacy they enjoy among academics, policymakers, and publics. Large strides have been made toward making surveys more methodologically rigorous and toward improving the quality of survey data in the region. Scholars have leveraged the data to advance the theoretical understanding of a range of topics, especially political support, partisanship, and voting behavior. Despite these gains, public opinion surveys face clear challenges that threaten their hard-won legitimacy. To the extent that these challenges are met in the coming decades, public opinion polling’s role in shaping Latin American politics will remain, if not strengthen.

Shaping Multi-Level Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Lori Thorlakson
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Causal Process ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Two Stage ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Multi Level

Why, in some multi-level systems, does political competition preserve highly independent spheres of political life across the units and levels of a federation, while in other multi-level systems, political competition results in the emergence of a shared political space? This chapter argues that these patterns of independent or integrated politics in multi-level systems are shaped in important ways by the federal institutional structure, which shapes the incentives that parties and voters alike face. Surveying the literature that identifies how institutions impact party organization, party systems, and electoral behaviour, this chapter sets out a two-stage causal process whereby institutions shape aspects of integrated politics and aspects of integrated politics reinforce each other.

Context and Research Design

2019 ◽  
pp. 48-73
Author(s):  
Isabela Mares ◽  
Lauren E. Young
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Methods ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Research Design ◽  
Mixed Methods Research ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Study Behavior ◽  
Descriptive Information ◽  
Communist Countries

This study examines clientelistic politics in two post-communist countries, Hungary and Romania. Chapter 3 presents descriptive information on the recent evolution of party systems in both countries and the changes in patterns of political competition in recent elections. It examines the most significant policies that provide opportunities for clientelistic manipulation of state resources. In both countries, the main social policy programs that can be subjected to political manipulation are workfare programs. The chapter discusses the main political considerations leading to the adoption of workfare programs characterized by high discretion of mayors over the allocation of policy benefits. It also describes how a mixed methods research design was crafted to study behavior that candidates, brokers, and voters often prefer to hide.

scholarly journals Calling It Quits: Legislative Retirements in Comparative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 731-748
Author(s):  
Christopher D Raymond ◽  
L Marvin Overby
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Limited Government ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Us ◽  
Systemic Problems ◽  
The Right ◽  
Normative Implication

Although retirements are a major source of legislative turnover, research on the topic has been limited, especially outside of the US House of Representatives. In this article, we address this shortcoming by examining retirements in two countries with similar electoral systems yet different legislative environments and party systems: Canada and the United Kingdom. In particular, we extend analysis on the Congress that has consistently shown Republican members retire at higher rates than their Democratic counterparts to examine whether this finding is generalizable to legislators from other parties of the right and/or favouring devolution in other parliamentary settings. In presenting data that support many of these hypotheses, we explore an important normative implication: because their partisan predispositions make them less willing to serve, politicians from parties favouring limited government and/or devolution may be less able to translate their vision of politics into policy because they face systemic problems maintaining legislative seats.

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