scholarly journals Sametingsvalg på sørnorsk. Valgkamp i en utfordrende valgkrets

2021 ◽  
pp. 227-262
Author(s):  
Mikkel Berg-Nordlie ◽  
Eli Skogerbø

During election campaigns for the Sámediggi – the representative organ of the Indigenous Sámi – candidates in the South Norway Constituency face special challenges: How do they communicate with potential voters residing within a large group of non-voters and spread over a large area, when the constituency’s news media barely cover the election? The chapter looks at different means of reaching voters under such challenging conditions. The candidates prioritized getting traditional media coverage to a very little degree. Social media were seen as important and used actively, particularly Facebook, although only a few parties had developed more advanced strategies for utilization of this tool. Some parties created and implemented a special visual identity to communicate their values and attract attention, and one of the constituency’s parties achieved extra media attention because of their style. The existence of physical spaces for Indigenous politics in the constituency’s central urban area was of importance, not least because the 2017 election featured a special project to make the Indigenous election visible, which should be possible to replicate elsewhere. The utilization of organizational and social networks was important and gave a special advantage to established party organizations with registered members. Targeted campaign mailing was of key importance to counterbalance the problematic aspects of the constituency.

Journalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (8) ◽  
pp. 985-993 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cushion ◽  
Daniel Jackson

This introduction unpacks the eight articles that make up this Journalism special issue about election reporting. Taken together, the articles ask: How has election reporting evolved over the last century across different media? Has the relationship between journalists and candidates changed in the digital age of campaigning? How do contemporary news values influence campaign coverage? Which voices – politicians, say or journalists – are most prominent? How far do citizens inform election coverage? How is public opinion articulated in the age of social media? Are sites such as Twitter developing new and distinctive election agendas? In what ways does social media interact with legacy media? How well have scholars researched and theorised election reporting cross-nationally? How can research agendas be enhanced? Overall, we argue this Special Issue demonstrates the continued strength of news media during election campaigns. This is in spite of social media platforms increasingly disrupting and recasting the agenda setting power of legacy media, not least by political parties and candidates who are relying more heavily on sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to campaign. But while debates in recent years have centred on the technological advances in political communication and the associated role of social media platforms during election campaigns (e.g. microtargeting voters, spreading disinformation/misinformation and allowing candidates to bypass media to campaign), our collection of studies signal the enduring influence professional journalists play in selecting and framing of news. Put more simply, how elections are reported still profoundly matters in spite of political parties’ and candidates’ more sophisticated use of digital campaigning.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Nuriely ◽  
Moti Gigi ◽  
Yuval Gozansky

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the ways socio-economic issues are represented in mainstream news media and how it is consumed, understood and interpreted by Israeli young adults (YAs). It examines how mainstream media uses neo-liberal discourse, and the ways YAs internalize this ethic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome its limitations. Design/methodology/approach This was a mixed methods study. First, it undertook content analysis of the most popular Israeli mainstream news media among YAs: the online news site Ynet and the TV Channel 2 news. Second, the authors undertook semi-structured in-depth interviews with 29 Israeli YAs. The analysis is based on an online survey of 600 young Israelis, aged 18–35 years. Findings Most YAs did not perceive mainstream media as enabling a reliable understanding of the issues important to them. The content analysis revealed that self-representation of YAs is rare, and that their issues were explained, and even resolved, by older adults. Furthermore, most of YAs' problems in mainstream news media were presented using a neo-liberal perspective. Finally, from the interviews, the authors learned that YAs did not find information that could help them deal with their most pressing economic and social issue, in the content offered by mainstream media. For most of them, social media overcomes these shortcomings. Originality/value Contrary to research that has explored YAs’ consumerism of new media outlets, this article explores how YAs in Israel are constructed in the media, as well as the way in which YAs understand mainstream and new social media coverage of the issues most important to them. Using media content analysis and interviews, the authors found that Young Adults tend to be ambivalent toward media coverage. They understand the lack of media information: most of them know that they do not learn enough from the media. This acknowledgment accompanies their tendency to internalize the neo-liberal logic and conservative Israeli national culture, in which class and economic redistribution are largely overlooked. Mainstream news media uses neo-liberal discourse, and young adults internalize this logic, while simultaneously finding ways to overcome the limitations this discourse offers. They do so by turning to social media, mainly Facebook. Consequently, their behavior maintains the logic of the market, while also developing new social relations, enabled by social media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 410-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Gerstlé ◽  
Alessandro Nai

Very little is known in broad comparative terms about the nature and content of election campaigns. In this article, we present the first systematic and comparative assessment of the electoral campaigns of candidates having competed in elections across the world along three dimensions: negative campaigning, emotional campaigning and populist rhetoric. We do so by introducing a new dataset, based on expert judgements, that allows us to retrace the content of campaigns of 97 candidates having competed in 43 elections worldwide between 2016 and 2018. To put the importance of these three dimensions of electoral campaigns into perspective, we comparatively assess the extent to which these three dimensions are more or less likely to capture the attention of news media and to determine the electoral fate of those who rely on them. Our analyses reveal that negativity and emotionality significantly and substantially drive media coverage and electoral results: more positive and enthusiasm-based campaigns increase media attention, but so do campaigns based on personal attacks and fear appeals, especially during presidential elections and when the number of competing candidates is lower. Looking at electoral success, negativity backlashes overall, and yet personal attacks can be used successfully to increase the chances of an electoral victory. Furthermore, both appeals to enthusiasm (but not when a lot of candidates compete) and fear (especially in presidential elections) work as intended to capture the attention of the public and transform it into better electoral fortunes. We also discuss the results of a case study of the 2017 French presidential election, where we compare the campaigns of four leading candidates (Emmanuel Macron, Marine Le Pen, François Fillon and Jean-Luc Mélenchon); results of the case study offer interesting insights to understand the general trends, and beyond.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000765032092896
Author(s):  
Daniel Vogler ◽  
Mark Eisenegger

By using social media, corporations can communicate about their corporate social responsibility (CSR) to the public without having to pass through the gatekeeping function of the news media. However, to what extent can corporations influence the public’s evaluation of their CSR activities with social media activities and if the legacy news media still act as the primary agenda setters when it comes to corporate reputation have not yet been thoroughly analyzed in a digitized media environment. This study addressed this research gap by looking at the effect of CSR communication through Facebook and news media coverage of CSR on corporate reputation in Switzerland. The results of this longitudinal study show that the salience and tone of news media coverage of CSR were positively related to corporate reputation, even though the news media coverage about CSR was predominantly negative. Thus, reputation was still strengthened even in the face of negative publicity. No effect of CSR communication through Facebook on corporate reputation was found. The results suggest that legacy news media still were influential in determining how the public evaluates corporations in the digital age.


2020 ◽  
pp. 000276422091024
Author(s):  
Alessandro Lovari ◽  
Valentina Martino ◽  
Nicola Righetti

This article aims at exploring a case of information crisis in Italy through the lens of vaccination-related topics. Such a controversial issue, dividing public opinion and political agendas, has received diverse information coverage and public policies over time in the Italian context, whose situation appears quite unique compared with other countries because of a strong media spectacularization and politicization of the topic. In particular, approval of the “Lorenzin Decree,” increasing the number of mandatory vaccinations from 4 to 10, generated a nationwide debate that divided public opinion and political parties, triggering a complex informative crisis and fostering the perception of a social emergency on social media. This resulted in negative stress on lay publics and on the public health system. The study adopted an interdisciplinary framework, including political science, public relations, and health communication studies, as well as a mixed-method approach, combining data mining techniques related to news media coverage and social media engagement, with in-depth interviews to key experts, selected among researchers, journalists, and communication managers. The article investigates reasons for the information crisis and identifies possible solutions and interventions to improve the effectiveness of public health communication and mitigate the social consequences of misinformation around vaccination.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (12) ◽  
pp. 1665-1683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy J. Golan ◽  
Ilan Manor ◽  
Phillip Arceneaux

Mediated public diplomacy literature examines the engagement of foreign audiences by governments via mediated channels. To date, scholars have examined the competitive contest between global rivals in promoting and contesting one another’s frames as reflected in global news media coverage. Recognizing the meaningful impact of social media platforms, along with the global rise of government-sponsored media organizations, the current study builds on previous mediated public diplomacy scholarship by expanding the scope of the literature beyond the earned media perspective to also include paid, shared, and owned media. The article presents a revised definition of the term mediated public diplomacy along with a case study of government to foreign stakeholder engagement via the social media platform, Twitter.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giwoong Bae ◽  
Hye-Jin Kim

PurposeSocial media (e.g., e-WOM) and traditional media (e.g., media coverage) serve different roles in a firm's marketing activities and also interact with each other, which in turn affect the market outcome. In addition, how market outcome affects the two types of media in turn has not been examined, which brings the need for a holistic framework. The rare study that examines this relation mostly relies on the volume of media rather than the valence. This study examines the interdependent relation between the volume and valence of social media, the volume of traditional media and TV ratings.Design/methodology/approachForty-one South Korean TV drama shows from October 2014 to March 2016 were analyzed using the 3SLS estimation to examine the interdependent relation between the variables.FindingsFirst, the volume of traditional media has a negative effect on the volume of social media. Second, ratings negatively affect the valence of social media. Third, the volume of traditional media is found to have a negative effect on ratings. This is explained by the displacement effect.Originality/valueThis study is one of the very few studies that examine the interdependent relation between various earned media and market outcomes in one framework. In addition, it has originality in that it considers the valence of social media, which is an important dimension in analyzing earned media. Our results show negative effects of news media on TV ratings and e-WOM, which diverge from common intuition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 893-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Trottier

This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates’ past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.


Author(s):  
Sarah Bannister

This paper aims to shed light on the motivations of the students involved in the 2008 Queen’s Homecoming party riot by first reviewing relevant sociological literature, and in doing so defining the term “party riot”, the paper will then analyze the news media coverage of the events, and in comparing the two discuss the factors that influenced these events. Factors explored include: tensions with the larger Kingston community, student unfamiliarity with and distrust of the police, police policies regarding crowd management and dispersal, alcohol consumption, geographical location, university administration policies, and the role of social media and communication technologies. The paper concludes with development of the implications on Homecoming events in the future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-78
Author(s):  
Yu. Ahmedova

In recent decades, the political game in democratic societies has become increasingly personalized. The weakening of the role of parties as representatives of public interests is caused by the influence of personification, which in turn is facilitated by the growing importance of social media. Personalization is largely manifested in the period of election campaigns, since the electorate chooses specific individuals based on the image of a politician recreated in the media. Thus, the purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis about the increasing role of social media and the personification of the political game during election campaigns. The author chose bibliography analysis and content analysis as the research method. The author analyzed the profiles in social networks of candidates for deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the city of St. Petersburg, nominated by the electoral association "St. Petersburg regional branch of the All-Russian party "Unity and Fatherland" - "United Russia". Based on the analysis of the social media profiles of the candidates under consideration, the hypothesis put forward has not been confirmed. The paper concludes that the key factor in the personification of political discourse in the media is political competition. In the absence of political competition, politicians lose their incentives to disclose personalized information and form a positive image of a person in social media. The practical significance of the work for representatives of the political community lies in the fact that in order to increase public loyalty to the dominant party and trust in the activities of political leaders, politicians at all levels of government need to conduct a competent policy in social networks, based on the experience of democratic countries.


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