scholarly journals THREATS TO THE FREEDOM OF LOCAL NEWSPAPERS OF UKRAINE UNDER QUARANTINE

Author(s):  
Olena Кuznetsova ◽  

Media freedom in Ukraine which is one of the fundamental basics of civil society development, guarantor of the up-to-date, verified and objective information in conditions of pandemic, infodemic and economical crisis with ecological catastrophe, came under influence of threats which are slowing the democratic development and are complicating the exit from quarantine. Threats to media freedom during pandemic are existing at legislative, economical, financial and human rights defense levels. In conditions of quarantine, economic crisis, infodemic and ecological catastrophe journalists have no access to official events of power bodies, do not attend their sittings. This caused lowering the opportunity to control the transparence of the work of power authorities and other institutions. Due to the economic crisis caused by COVID-19 quarantine a serious threat to media freedom in Ukraine appeared. Regional, city and district printed newspapers which are the closest to their readers by content have suffered on it. Quarantine conditions made especially hard the results of ecological catastrophe in Western Ukraine due to raising the water level in mountaineous rivers up to 10 metres and following severe floods which destroyed roads, bridges, buildings and access to Internet communication. Based on the situation analysis, threats to media freedom and rights of journalists have been differentiated, researches of violation of media freedom in Ukraine during period of quarantine (March-July 2020) by the Institute of Mass Information (IMI) and media materials about detaining Ukrainian journalists in Russian prisons during the war on Donbas were reviewed and summarized. The following methods assisted to fulfillment the tasks of research: analysis of documents about regulation of media freedom of international organizations where Ukraine is a member – United Nations, the Council of Europe, OSCE, International Federation of Journalists, comparative analysis of data by international organization “Reporters without Frontiers”, statistical analysis of polls of chief editors of local newspapers by National Union of Journalists of Ukraine. In order to support democratic development of Ukraine, defense of freedom of the local press, its journalists and other staff threats to freedom of Ukrainian regional, district an city newspapers and to journalists’ security had been identified and differentiated, the necessity to fasten in Ukrainian legislation the status of journalism as one of the key spheres of the country’s information security in fightning with pandemic and infodemic had been proved, legislative ways of counterfeiting threats to media freedom had been developed. In particular, in order to reduce threats to media freedom in Ukraine it is necessary to amend Civil, Criminal, Labour codes and the Code of administrative violations by including there articles which proclaim the key status of journalists’ activity in conditions of COVID-19 quarantine. These changes are necessary in order to obtain: legislative guarrantees for obtaining social defense by journalists who suffered violations, to introduce the mandatory insurance of life and health for the costs of the owner of the media; mandatory insurance of journalists and editorial technics (video and photo cameras, notebooks, tablets, smartphones and other digital technics) for costs of media owners; to arrange up-to-date medical treatment, social and psychological support and medical-psychological rehabilitation to journalists who survived illnesses, physical and psychological injuries during their professional work for costs of guilty party and those who organized beatings, injuries and traumas against them. The results of research have very important scientific and practical meaning for improving media freedom and journalists’ security because they widen media-theoretical, theoretical and law presentations about threats to media freedom in Ukraine in pandemic conditions, assist the opposition to infodemic, prove the legal support of journalists’ security and assist to readers’ rights for prompt information without disinformation.

2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-8
Author(s):  
Charu Uppal ◽  
Shailendra Singh ◽  
Patrick Craddock

As this edition of Pacific Journalism Review went to press, Fiji was in the throes of conducting a census. Technology is helping the process. Technology is often associated with democratising the political proc- ess, decentralising the status quo, upholding free speech, promoting direct democracy and amplifying voices that often remain silent. Regardless of the potential of technology to deliver these freedoms, the issues that existed before the advent of the internet, e.g. access to technology (affordability and availability, including the issue of electricity in developing nations), user motivation and skill in using these new gadgets still stand. This edition, jointly produced with University of the South Pacific media staff, publishes a series of articles addressing these issues. On Media Freedom Day, 3 May 2006, the Fiji Media Council, assisted by USP’s regional journalism programme, organised a panel on ‘Media and alleviation of poverty’. The panel—men from the developed world who were either connected to the media industry in Fiji, or owned a great stake in it—talked about everything but the media’s role in alleviating poverty.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Dr. Neha Sharma

Language being a potent vehicle of transmitting cultural values, norms and beliefs remains a central factor in determining the status of any nation. India is a multilingual country which tends to encourage people to use English at national and international level. Basically English in India owes its presence to the British but its subsequent rise is not fully attributable to the British. It has now become the language of wider communication which is now spoken by large number of people all over the world. It is influenced by many factors such as class, society, developments in science and technology etc. However the major influence on English language is and has been the media.


Author(s):  
Damian Guzek ◽  
Agnieszka Grzesiok-Horosz

A significant element of Central and Eastern Europe’s democracies backsliding process turns out to be changes in the media law. These changes are now leading to a decline in media freedom. The article attempts to understand this phenomenon by analyzing the process of legal and policy changes in Poland. In the course of the analysis, the reader’s attention is drawn to three elements that form the mainline of events related to the weakening of media freedom. These are, in turn, (a) the takeover of public media by influencing the staffing of media companies, (b) introducing a new, completely politicized body into the legal order, which duplicates the already existing and partially politicized media authority, and (c) exerting economic and legal pressure on the media independent of the authorities, so that they can be taken over by state-owned companies or businessmen favoring the authorities. As a whole, this decline in media freedom can be viewed as a strategy that antagonizes society.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edda Humprecht ◽  
Laia Castro Herrero ◽  
Sina Blassnig ◽  
Michael Brüggemann ◽  
Sven Engesser

Abstract Media systems have changed significantly as a result of the development of information technologies. However, typologies of media systems that incorporate aspects of digitalization are rare. This study fills this gap by identifying, operationalizing, and measuring indicators of media systems in the digital age. We build on previous work, extend it with new indicators that reflect changing conditions (such as online news use), and include media freedom indicators. We include 30 countries in our study and use cluster analysis to identify three clusters of media systems. Two of these clusters correspond to the media system models described by Hallin and Mancini, namely the democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist model. However, the liberal model as described by Hallin and Mancini has vanished; instead, we find empirical evidence of a new cluster that we call “hybrid”: it is positioned in between the poles of the media-supportive democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist clusters.


2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erika Franklin Fowler ◽  
Sarah E. Gollust ◽  
Amanda F. Dempsey ◽  
Paula M. Lantz ◽  
Peter A. Ubel

Although scholarship on competitive framing acknowledges that framing is a dynamic process in which the early stages may matter most, very little research has focused on the dynamics of issue emergence. In this article, we draw on several literatures to develop theories for how controversy related to new issues will emerge and expand in news coverage. Through a comprehensive content analysis of 101 local newspapers across the fifty U.S. states, we explore the dynamic and evolving process wherein a new issue—the HPV vaccine—emerged into public discourse and a legislative debate over school requirements for vaccination began. We find that coverage of controversy is a function of proximity, driven primarily by events within a state, although external events also influence local coverage. We also find that the legislative discussion in the media did not necessarily start out as controversial, but as the issue evolved, we observe a large increase in the proliferation of both actors taking positions and the types of arguments made to influence debate. The findings yield important insight into issue emergence with implications for how future research might test competing frames to better understand how the presentation of controversy in the mass media affects public opinion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 319-341
Author(s):  
Mykola Haliv ◽  
Anna Ohar

Summary. Based on the prosopographic approach and analysis of the Fr. Ivan Kotiv biography the article studies the forms and methods of Soviet repressions against the Greek Catholic clergy. The purpose of the article is on the example of the relations of the Soviet special bodies with Fr. Ivan Kotiv to analyze and cover the repressive activities against the Greek Catholic Church in 1944–1947. The research methodology is based on prosopographic approach, principles of historicism, scientific, authorial objectivity, application of general scientific (deduction, induction, analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special historical (historical-genetic, historical-systemic, historical-typological) methods. The novelty of the study is that for the first time in Ukrainian historical science an attempt has been made to shed light on the repressive activities of the Soviet authorities against the Greek Catholic clergy through the prism of a prosographic analysis of the activities of Fr. Ivan Kotiv, one of the informal leaders of the Greek Catholic clergy in the liquidation of the GCC. The Conclusions. Thus, on the example of the relations of the Soviet special bodies with Fr. Ivan Kotiv analyzed and covered the repressive activities against the GCC in 1944–1946. In our opinion, the repressive policy of the Soviet authorities towards the clergy of the GCC during the outlined period can be divided into several stages: 1) stage of "soft pressure" (August 1944 – March 1945), which was characterized by careful study and analysis of the internal situation of the GCC, personality traits of leading figures among the Greek Catholic clergy, gradual propaganda and intelligence training of the Union Church to join the ROC, dissemination of rhetoric individually and through the media and study the clergy the idea; 2) the stage of organizational and repressive pressure (April 1945 – March 1946), which was marked by the arrests of the top of the GCC, the creation and operation of the CIG, neutralization of opposition attempts led by K. Sheptytsky and I. Kotiv to conduct special operations to "reunite" churches; 3) the stage of total repressions against the clergy, which did not recognize the decisions of the Lviv Pseudo-Council (March 1946 – May 1947). In fact, all these stages are quite clearly traced in the relationship of Fr. I. Kotiv with the Soviet authorities, and thus his activity in the period under study is quite representative and prosopographically relevant for understanding the complexity of the GCC in the restoration of the Soviet totalitarian regime in the Western Ukraine in the first postwar years.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-185
Author(s):  
David Robie

Review of A fragile freedom: Challenges facing media in Papua New Guinea, edited by Joe Weber. Madang, PNG: Divine World University Press. The booklet has two sections, one briefly devoted to the Divine Word University Media Freedom Day on 30 April 1999, and the main one which collects papers and speeches at the Media Ethics workshop organised by the PNG Media Council and sponsored by the AusAid Pacific Media Initiative project. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.


1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Post-Courier
Keyword(s):  

"Three months ago, Archbishop Sir Peter Kurongku delivered an address to the media freedom seminar on the subject of accountability. In his address, he emphasised that the media had responsibility to find and publish the truth. This, he said, was a responsibility placed upon media owners, managers and staff to carry out their duties 'in the service of the community."


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