scholarly journals Canal Istanbul and Political Dispute on Turkish Straits

2021 ◽  
pp. 849-863
Author(s):  
Ceyhun ÖZÇELİK ◽  
Kader BENLİ
Keyword(s):  
Political Dispute

Translanguaging sequel

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eriko Sato
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Language Use ◽  
Word Formation ◽  
Formation Processes ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Language Classrooms ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Japanese Translation

Abstract The paper examines the products of interlingual and intralingual translanguaging and qualitatively analyzes three origin-based lexical varieties in Japanese, wago (native Japanese words), kango (Sino-Japanese words), and gairaigo (foreign loanwords other than kango) in terms of how they have been complementing, competing against, or being in conflict with each other, how they engage word-formation processes as deep as morpheme-levels, and how they are perceived and manipulated by language users, including translators. This study shows that translanguaging has been practiced recursively and multi-directionally over a long period of time, yielding the phenomenon ‘translanguaging sequel’. The qualitative study of a Japanese translation of a Korean poem reveals a translator’s ideology-driven translanguaging practice that crosses not only interlingual but also intralingual boundaries, causing an international socio-political dispute. This study supports the view that translanguaging has been shaping and reshaping the norms of languages and language use. It also suggests the benefits of analyzing the products and traces of translanguaging in translated texts as well as the process of translanguaging during translation activities that can be promoted and implemented in language classrooms.

Iraq versus the United States

Tempting Fate ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 40-62
Author(s):  
Paul C. Avey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The United States ◽  
Civil Defense ◽  
Military Action ◽  
The Us ◽  
Saddam Hussein ◽  
Political Dispute

This chapter provides a background for Iraqi behavior during the period of American nuclear monopoly beginning in 1979 when Saddam Hussein was officially Iraqi president, focusing most heavily on events in 1989–1991. In an intense political dispute, Iraqi leadership took actions they believed would fall below the threshold of nuclear use. Most of the limitations that Iraq exhibited were due to its own weakness; it could do little more. For Iraq as a weak actor, war with the United States was possible precisely because it would pose such a low danger to the United States. Even then, Iraqi leadership incorporated the US nuclear arsenal into their decision making in 1990–1991. That confrontation is the most important to examine because it involved Iraqi military action that Iraqi leaders believed would invite some form of US response, and US compellent demands did not center on Iraqi regime change. In 1990, Saddam and his lieutenants held their own unconventional weapons in reserve and discounted an American nuclear strike because of the high strategic costs that such a strike would impose on the United States. They also undertook various civil defense measures to minimize losses from nuclear strikes. Fortunately, the Americans had little intention of using nuclear weapons and did not face a need to resort to nuclear use.

Palm Fronds in the Public Square

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Méadhbh McIvor
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberty ◽  
The United States ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Square ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Protestant Christianity ◽  
National Life ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Palm Fronds

This introductory chapter provides an overview of Christian legal activism. In a rapidly changing religious landscape, Protestant Christianity — although it remains both legally and culturally established — has become relativised. This relativisation is, in many ways, the product of centuries' worth of political dispute and interreligious negotiation, as the legal privileges associated with established religion have been diluted. Yet it has taken on a particular salience in recent years, one which can be dated to a seismic shift in England's regulation of religion: English law's transition from viewing 'religious freedom' as a negative civil liberty to ensuring it as a positive human right. While many English Christians have responded to these changes with resignation, some have embraced modes of legal and political engagement born of very different church–state paradigms, including a litigiousness more often associated with the United States. Armed with law degrees, evangelical conviction, and 'a passion to see the United Kingdom return to the Christian faith', these activists lobby and litigate to contest what they see as Christianity's ousting from the public square. This book argues that a willingness to take on legal challenges to protect Christian values risks those same values' marginalisation, as moralities previously woven into the fabric of national life are filtered out from their quotidian context and rebranded as 'religion' or 'religiously motivated'.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
James Thuo Gathii
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
First Generation ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
International Courts ◽  
International Court ◽  
Litigation Process ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Central Claim

This Introduction summarizes the book’s major arguments. The central claim is that Africa’s international courts have important impacts that have so far been underemphasized or entirely ignored. The chapters show that litigation in Africa’s international courts is part of a broader strategy to pursue the agenda of interest groups, litigants, and opposition political parties and politicians. The book shows that by bringing a domestic political dispute to an international court, litigants internationalize their dispute. In so doing, they mobilize law and capitalize on the litigation process to advance and promote their commitment to their ideals and immediate goals. These actors use the opportunity to enforce treaty commitments relating to human rights, the rule of law, and democracy to mobilize against those in control of dominant and authoritarian party regimes and to seek public support. The chapters therefore put the users of Africa’s international courts and their broader strategies at the center of the analysis. In addition, this book takes scholarship on Africa’s international courts a step further through in-depth case studies of how litigation in these international courts impacts political, legal, and social mobilization. It delves into the messy world of legal and political mobilization and the organizational choices made by activists, litigants, and opposition parties who bring litigation before these international courts. The book complements the attention to legal and doctrinal questions as well as the challenges of compliance with decisions of these courts that the first generation of scholarship on Africa’s international courts emphasized.

Security Council

1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-113
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Security Council ◽  
World War ◽  
Equipment And Supplies ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Transportation Equipment ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Netherlands Indies ◽  
Political Dispute

On July 29, 1948, the Security Council devoted two sessions to a further consideration of the Indonesian question. The occasion for the discussion was the receipt from the Committee of Good Offices of a previously requested report on restrictions of trade in Indonesia and the reason for the delay in the implementation of Article 6 of the Renville Truce Agreement. The committee reported that, six months after the Truce Agreement, Republican controlled areas of Java and Sumatra suffered from “grave deficiencies” of transportation equipment and supplies which acted to cause local dislocations and shortages of all categories of materials needed for rehabilitation reconstruction. Factors creating these shortages were listed by the committee as 1) the division of Indonesia into two separate administrative compartments; 2) the damage of World War II followed by political dispute, military conflict and scorched earth policies; 3) the inadequate implementation of Article 6 of the Truce Agreement arising, primarily, from the “regulations governing domestic and international trade promulgated by Netherlands Indies civil and military authorities between January 1947 and the signing of the Truce Agreement and which have been continued in effect to date.”3 After summarizing Dutch and Indonesian positions on these regulations, the committee, after declining to allocate responsibility as between the two parties, concluded that it was “indisputable” that pending an agreement restoring economic and political unity to Indonesia the economic plight of Republican controlled areas could not be substantially ameliorated “until a way is found to relax existing regulations,” and that this development would require a basic improvement in the attitude of the parties.

scholarly journals Polityka wobec pamięci versus polityka historyczna: aspekty semantyczny, aksjologiczny i merytoryczny w narracji polskiej

2018 ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Ponczek
Keyword(s):  
Academic Aspirations ◽  
The Past ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
History Of ◽  
Subjective Views ◽  
True Knowledge ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
Traditional Paradigm ◽  
Comparative Manner

Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to ‘conduct policy,’ where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of ‘historical policy’ has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of ‘historical policy’ stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of ‘historical policy’ sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of ‘historical policy’ has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of ‘detailed policies.’‘Historical policy’ is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.

scholarly journals Depois do Estatuto da Cidade: ordem jurídica e política urbana em disputa, Porto Alegre e o urbanizador social

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Betânia De Moraes Alfonsin
Keyword(s):  
Urban Planning ◽  
Housing Policy ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Porto Alegre ◽  
Absolute Property ◽  
The Social ◽  
De Se ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Political Dispute ◽  
The City

A partir da constatação de que os programas de regularização fundiária possuem uma natureza curativa, sem capacidade de prevenir a irregularidade, procura-se demonstrar aqui que os instrumentos trazidos pelo Estatuto da Cidade, embora necessários, são insuficientes para responder ao desafio colocado às cidades brasileiras, situado no campo da capacidade institucional de se construir uma política urbana e habitacional que combine às políticas de regularização fundiária mecanismos que previnam a produção cotidiana de assentamentos informais, por meio da oferta de lotes regulares a preços baixos. Argumenta-se que a ordem jurídico-urbanística brasileira preconizada pelo Estatuto da Cidade não apresenta garantias efetivas de implementação, vislumbrando-se um longo processo de disputa jurídico-política entre os interessados na manutenção da velha ordem jurídica nucleada pelo direito absoluto de propriedade, e os defensores de uma emergente ordem jurídica que garanta a função social da cidade e da propriedade. O artigo analisa o caso da cidade de Porto Alegre, na qual foi formulado um instrumento inovador de política urbana e habitacional, chamado de Urbanizador Social.Palavras-chave: Estatuto da Cidade; política habitacional; regularização fundiária; planejamento urbano; função social da propriedade. Abstract: Based on the evidence that the programs of land regularization have a curative nature, not having the capacity to prevent irregularity, we try to show in this study that the instruments provided by the City Statute, although necessary, are not enough to respond to the challenge faced by brazilian cities. This challenge is related to the institutional capacity of making an urban and housing policy that matches to the land regularization policies mechanisms to prevent the everyday production of informal settlements, through the offer of regular lots with low prices. We argue that the Brazilian juridical-urbanistic order provided by the City Statute does not present effective guarantees of implementation. One foresees a long juridical-political dispute process between the ones who are interested in maintaining the old juridical order cored by the absolute property right and those who defend an emergent juridical order that guarantees the social function of city and property. This article analyses the case of Porto Alegre city, where an innovative urban and housing policy called Urbanizador Social (Social Urbanizer) was created. Keywords: housing policy; land regularization; urban planning.

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