Dogmatism and Presidential Preferences in the 1964 Elections

1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1197-1202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Di Renzo

A quota sample of voting-age male undergraduates was administered Form E of the Rokeach Dogmatism Scale as part of an interview schedule concerned with interest and activity in the 1964 presidential campaign and election. Results support previous evidence that dogmatism interacts significantly with political party preference but that the interaction of dogmatism and presidential preferences, despite the correlation with party preferences, is of much greater magnitude. Non-dogmatic scorers overwhelmingly selected Johnson; while dogmatic scorers, despite a slight preference for Goldwater, were more evenly divided in their preferences for presidential candidates. Personality provides a partial explanation for the political dynamics of “frontlash” and “backlash” alleged to have taken place in the 1964 elections. Voting behavior as a function of some measure of identification between the political elector and the political candidate is supported and the structure and the function of the polity seem in part dependent upon the personality structures of the political functionaries recruited into it and the congruent interaction of both the psychological and the sociological structures.

1971 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Direnzo

Replication of a 1964 study on the role of dogmatism in the selection of presidential candidates in the 1968 national elections supports previous findings that voting behavior is, in part at least, a function of some measure of identification between the political elector and the political candidate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
L. H. M. Jacintho ◽  
T. P. da Silva ◽  
A. R. S. Parmezan ◽  
G. E. A. P. A. Batista

Since 1989, the first year of the democratic presidential election after a long period of a dictatorship regime, Brazil conducted eight presidential elections. Short and long-term shifts of power and two impeachment processes marked such a period. This instability is a research case in electoral studies, mainly regarding the understanding of citizens' voting behavior. Comprehending patterns in the population behavior can give us insight into phenomena and processes that affect democratic political decisions. In light of this, our paper analyses Brazilian electoral data at the municipal level from 1998 to 2018 using a simple data science pipeline, which consists of five steps: (i) data selection; (ii) data preprocessing; (iii) identification of spatial patterns, in which we seek to understand the role of space in the election results employing spatial auto-correlation techniques; (iv) identification of temporal patterns, where we investigate similar trends of votes over the years applying a hierarchical clustering method; and (v) evaluation of results. We study the presidential elections focusing on the right and left-wing parties most relevant for the period: the Brazilian Social Democracy Party~(PSDB) and the Workers' Party~(PT). We also analyse the congressman election data regarding parties ideologically to the right and left in the political spectrum. Through the obtained results, we found the existence of spatial dependence in every electoral year investigated. Moreover, despite the changes in the political-economic context over the years, neighboring cities seem to present similar voting behavior trends.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Summer 2021) ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Hakkı Uygur

Following the Islamic Revolution, a number of leaders have served as the highest elected official of Iran, with the winner of the last presidential election being Ebrahim Raisi, who does not have much experience in the political area, but received the support of all influential groups in the country, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the ulama. The attitude of the Guardian Council, which has the primary responsibility for the survival of the system, in determining the presidential candidates affects the voter turnout and enables the forecast of election results to some degree, as in this election. In this context, the rejection of the candidacy of some names is essential in terms of showing the rivalry between the various power groups in the system and giving clues about the new era, which is characterized as the second phase of the Revolution. Raisi, who has been seen as the Supreme Leader’s possible successor, is expected to make an impression as an embracive leader. However, he also faces significant challenges in domestic policy such as the economy, aridification, power and water crises, and ethnic problems, to which there are no simple and short-term solutions. In foreign policy, although it is expected that Raisi would prioritize the relations with neighboring countries instead of the great powers, the relations of Tehran with these countries will, to a great extent, depend on its policies towards the U.S. in the new era.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Matto

With the demographics of the generation firmly established, this chapter pulls together various streams of data from the U.S. Census Bureau, the American National Election Studies, and the Harvard Public Opinion Project and provides a picture of the political participation of young adults. This picture includes the current voting behavior of young adults, longitudinal data on Millennial voting, and inter and intra-generational comparisons in voting rates. In addition, the political activities of young adults beyond voting are considered including participating in campaigns, following the news, and use of social media or “hashtag activism”. This portrait is juxtaposed with the history of the passage of the 26th Amendment lowering the voting age and the expectations surrounding this milestone. Although emerging forms of engagement offer promise, this chapter includes a warning that these methods are only promising if they produce results – a warning that extends to those studying youth engagement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Novy Setia Yunas ◽  
Baiqun Isbahi

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural group from the influence of cadence and culture shifted to the orientation of the issues brought by the candidate.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-29
Author(s):  
Ferdinand D. Anabo

Election is an essential instrument in the development of the country. Understanding key voting preferences could resolve issues facing the country through competent elected government officials. The election of future competent officials depends on the preference of the next generation of voters. This study aims to determine how political candidate attributes affect the voting preference of students and determine which of the political candidate attributes is the most important. The study used choice-based conjoint analysis, which simulates the real-world decision-making of choosing a candidate. Students were presented with different presidential candidates, each with a unique set of demographic and political attributes to choose from. Results suggest that student voters give importance to political attributes that reflect competencies such as profession, experience, accomplishments, and priorities. Political leaders must build their image through competence and good governance among student voters. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ridwan Rachmadi ◽  
Heri Budianto

AbstractThe hashtag #2019GantiPresiden was initiated by Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, a politician from the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) has become a trending topic on social media, the use of hashtags has increasingly colored political dynamics in the country's public sphere. The research aims to obtain an overview of the Political Branding of the #2019GantiPresiden hashtag in increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media. This research uses a constructivist paradigm, a qualitative approach and a case study method. The results showed that the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera was able to make good use of social media as a campaign tool and was able to present its best politician to become national figures. One of them was Dr. Mardani Ali Sera who initiated the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden became a trending topic, the surface was present ahead of the 2019 Presidential election which presented only two candidates for the Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidate pairs. The public's desire for a replacement of the President is accommodated through the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden is affiliated with one of the Presidential Candidates and Vice-Presidential Candidates carried by the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. The hashtag #2019GantiPresiden benefits the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera because it is a politician of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera who initiated it. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden contributes to increasing the electability of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the realm of social media so that it has implications for the vote acquisition of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera in the 2019 legislative elections.Keywords: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media Keywords: fPolitical Branding, Tagar, 2019 Change President, Prosperous Justice Party, Social Media  AbstrakTanda pagar #2019GantiPresiden di inisiasi Oleh Dr. Mardani Ali Sera, politikus Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) menjadi tranding topik di media sosial penggunaan tagar semakin mewarnai dinamika politik di ruang publik Tanah Air. Penelitian bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran tentang political branding tagar #2019GantiPresiden dalam meningkatkan elektabilitas Partai Keadilan Sejahtera di ranah media sosial. Penelitian menggunakan paradigma konstruktivis, pendekatan kualitatif dan metode studi kasus. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera mampu memanfaatkan media sosial sebagai sarana kampanye dengan baik dan mampu menghadirkan kader-kader terbaiknya menjadi tokoh nasional salah satu diantaranya adalah Dr. Mardani Ali Sera yang menginisiasi tagar #2019GantiPresiden. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menjadi tranding topik, hadir kepermukaan jelang perhelatan pemilu Presiden 2019 yang menghadirkan hanya dua kandidat pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Keinginan masyarakat akan pergantian Presiden terakomodir melalui tagar #2019gantiPresdien. Tagar #2019GantiPresdien berafiliasi dengan salah satu kandidat Calon Presiden dan Calon Wakil Presiden yang di usung oleh Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Tagar #2019GantiPresiden menguntungkan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera karena yang menginisiasinya adalah kader Partai Keadilan Sejahtera. Political Branding Tagar #2019GantiPresiden berkontribusi menaikan elektabiltas Partai Keadilan Sejatera di ranah media sosial sehingga berimplikasi pada perolehan suara Partai Keadilan Sejahtera pada pemilu legislatif tahun 2019.  Kata kunci: Political Branding, Tagar, 2019 Ganti Presiden, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Media Sosial


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


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