scholarly journals Perempuan Bali dalam Dunia Politik (Studi Kasus Pemilihan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah di Kabupaten Badung Tahun 2009, 2014 dan 2019)

HUMANIS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 551
Author(s):  
Ricard Galyani Silaban ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Mahyuni ◽  
Ida Ayu Wirasmini Sidemen

Balinese Hindu women are said to be laymen in politics. The patriarchal culture that is so strong in Balinese life seems to dictate that a Balinese woman only takes a domestic role and traditional rituals. This study uses the theory of existence and the theory of femenism as a basis for thinking in problems. The research method used is historical methods. The results of the study, namely the struggle of Balinese Hindu women in political activities have increased from 2009, 2014 and 2019, but if calculated globally it is still low. The factor of the involvement of Hindu Balinese women in political activities is the involvement of women in parliament. Political activities have very broad implications, such as having an impact on education, socio-culture, public policy and also having an impact on political activity itself.

2011 ◽  
pp. 2903-2909
Author(s):  
Kwasi Boateng ◽  
Beatrice A. Boateng

The value of the Internet as a flexible tool for the posting and exchange of information is expressed in the potential it has for governance, commerce, and social interaction. The Internet is symbolic of the digital revolution of the 20th century that changed the packaging and dissemination of electronic information. In politics, the potential of the Internet is perceived to be in e-government. In the book The Internet Galaxy, Castells (2001) indicates how the Internet is expected to be an instrument to further democracy. The Internet has a significant role to play in government or politics; it provides a two-way medium of communication between government and society in flexible personalized and mass forms of communication. Through the Internet, information can be easily accessed by both citizens and their leaders as a means of effective communication. All kinds of information, public records, service forms and requests, and a wide range of non-classified information can be disseminated on the Web. The interactive nature of the Internet technology allows for on-demand accessing of information in the form of citizen request, the voicing of opinion, and in some cases, asking government representatives for information or answers to issues of concern. The typical use of Internet portals by governments has been in the form of information access points where governments post information without a concerted attempt at interacting with the potential users of the resource. Such approach to e-governance is cast in the traditional mode of top-bottom political activity that focuses on what government leaders or their administrative systems want to give to their constituents, with little concern or regard to issues of interest to their constituents. Chadwick (2003) makes a distinction between what he calls e-government and e-democracy. According to him: Public administration scholars, public policy analysts, and public management specialists focus on e-government, whereas political communication specialists, social movement scholars, and democratic theorists sharpen their analytical tools on e-democracy. (p. 444) Chadwick points to the need to have e-democracy, which is found with civil society, and e-government that operates at the local and national levels of political administrations to converge. The discourse of how these two aspects of electronic politicking can converge using open source content management systems (CMSs) is the focus in this discussion. E-democracy and e-government allude to the fact that electronic politicking has two distinct aspects: 1. Managerial: This feature is typical of e-government because it involves government bringing people closer to government by providing an information system that is convenient and prompt in the dissemination and retrieval of information. 2. Policy Making: This element is characteristic of the e-democracy in the sense that it entails deliberation of public policy and in some cases advocacy. Musgrave (2005) identifies these two aspects of e-government as community and civic portals. Castells (2001) indicates that e-government has its origin in the convergence of three different components of online political activities: …the pre-Internet grassroots movements in search of new opportunities for self-organizing and consciousness-raising; the hacker movement in its most politically oriented expressions; and municipal governments trying to strengthen their legitimacy by creating new channels of citizen participation. (p. 144) Drupal, Xoops, and Mambo are open source CMSs that facilitate the convergence of all the elements of online political activities, and the dissemination of information that usually gets lumped together as e-government. We compare Drupal, Xoops, and Mambo and outline how they can be used as integrated e-government portals. The three CMSs are among the most popular open source CMSs used for creating online communities and systems for the discussion of issues and dissemination of information.


Author(s):  
Kwasi Boateng ◽  
Beatrice A. Boateng

The value of the Internet as a flexible tool for the posting and exchange of information is expressed in the potential it has for governance, commerce, and social interaction. The Internet is symbolic of the digital revolution of the 20th century that changed the packaging and dissemination of electronic information. In politics, the potential of the Internet is perceived to be in e-government. In the book The Internet Galaxy, Castells (2001) indicates how the Internet is expected to be an instrument to further democracy. The Internet has a significant role to play in government or politics; it provides a two-way medium of communication between government and society in flexible personalized and mass forms of communication. Through the Internet, information can be easily accessed by both citizens and their leaders as a means of effective communication. All kinds of information, public records, service forms and requests, and a wide range of non-classified information can be disseminated on the Web. The interactive nature of the Internet technology allows for on-demand accessing of information in the form of citizen request, the voicing of opinion, and in some cases, asking government representatives for information or answers to issues of concern. The typical use of Internet portals by governments has been in the form of information access points where governments post information without a concerted attempt at interacting with the potential users of the resource. Such approach to e-governance is cast in the traditional mode of top-bottom political activity that focuses on what government leaders or their administrative systems want to give to their constituents, with little concern or regard to issues of interest to their constituents. Chadwick (2003) makes a distinction between what he calls e-government and e-democracy. According to him: Public administration scholars, public policy analysts, and public management specialists focus on e-government, whereas political communication specialists, social movement scholars, and democratic theorists sharpen their analytical tools on e-democracy. (p. 444) Chadwick points to the need to have e-democracy, which is found with civil society, and e-government that operates at the local and national levels of political administrations to converge. The discourse of how these two aspects of electronic politicking can converge using open source content management systems (CMSs) is the focus in this discussion. E-democracy and e-government allude to the fact that electronic politicking has two distinct aspects: 1. Managerial: This feature is typical of e-government because it involves government bringing people closer to government by providing an information system that is convenient and prompt in the dissemination and retrieval of information. 2. Policy Making: This element is characteristic of the e-democracy in the sense that it entails deliberation of public policy and in some cases advocacy. Musgrave (2005) identifies these two aspects of e-government as community and civic portals. Castells (2001) indicates that e-government has its origin in the convergence of three different components of online political activities: …the pre-Internet grassroots movements in search of new opportunities for self-organizing and consciousness-raising; the hacker movement in its most politically oriented expressions; and municipal governments trying to strengthen their legitimacy by creating new channels of citizen participation. (p. 144) Drupal, Xoops, and Mambo are open source CMSs that facilitate the convergence of all the elements of online political activities, and the dissemination of information that usually gets lumped together as e-government. We compare Drupal, Xoops, and Mambo and outline how they can be used as integrated e-government portals. The three CMSs are among the most popular open source CMSs used for creating online communities and systems for the discussion of issues and dissemination of information.


NATAPRAJA ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yanuardi Yanuardi

This research aims to understand advocacy of NARASITA organization in striving woman representation in legislative election. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method. Research result shows that advocacy done by NARASITA in legislative election is more focused on efforts to improve quality and quantity of women in Parliament in order to achieve bigger goals in social transformation. Advocacy done is recruitment of potential women to sit on legislative, strengthening capacity, network and campaign. But action done is not yet paying attention on men’s involvement and institutionalizing issues to become political party’s regeneration agenda. Barriers faced by NARASITA in advocating is expensive political fund while potential cadre has limited financial capital, rooted patriarchal culture in political party and society, and too few staff numbers, only 8 people while advocacy area is broad. Kata Kunci : Advocacy, Women Representative, Legislative Election


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodlial Ramdhan Tackbir Abubakar

Previously, Indonesia only issued Identity Cards for citizens who had reached the age of 17 years. However, after the presence of a new policy from the Interior Ministry of the Republic of Indonesia contained in the Republic of Indonesia Minister of Home Affairs Regulation Number 2 concerning Child Identity Cards, now Indonesian citizens who are less than 17 years old can have an identity card in the form of a Child Identity Card. The main problem in this research are the limitations of blanks and need additional personnel to improve services, especially in the context of issuing child Identity Cards. Besides, the realization of the issuance of child identity cards still far from the target and socialization to the public has not been conveyed in its entirety.. This study aims to examine how the implementation of Child Identity card in Bandung Regency. The research method used is qualitative with descriptive approach. This research is presented by using a narrative that discusses the implementation of child identity card policies in Bandung Regency. The focus of this research emphasizes the implementation model of Edward III covering communication, resources, disposition, and bureaucratic structure. The result of the research shows that implementation of Child Identity card in Bandung Regency has run optimally.Keywords : Public Policy; Policy Implementation; Identity CardAfandi, Warjio.2015. Implementasi Peraturan Daerah Kabupaten Asahan Nomor 11 Tahun 2011 tentang Pajak Daerah dalam Pencapaian Target Pajak Bumi dan Bangunan Perdesaan dan Perkotaan. Jurnal Administrasi Publik.Vol. 6, Nomor 2Afrizal. 2017. Pelaksanaan Kebijakan Pembuatan Kartu Identitas Anak di Kota Bandar Lampung. Universitas LampungAryanti. 2014. Implementasi Kebijakan Kependudukan Di Kabupaten Kuantan Singingi (Studi Kasus Pengurusan Akta Kelahiran Tahun 2012). Jurnal Online Mahasiswa FISIP. Vol. 1, Nomor 2, Halaman 2.Dwitamara. 2013. Pengaturan dan Implementasi Mengenai Hak Anak. Jurnal Hukum. Vol.18, Nomor 2, Halaman 1.Edwards III. 1980. Implementing Publik Policy. Congresinal. Quartely pressErdani, Indarja, Harjanto. 2017. Pelaksanaan Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Nomor 2 Tahun 2016 Tentang Kartu Identitas Anak di Kota Semarang. Diponegoro Law Journal. Vol.6, Nomor 2, Halaman 2.  Hafrida. 2016. Perlindungan Hukum Anak. Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Ragam Jurnal. Vol. 7 Nomor 2, Halaman 1Monica, Noak, Winaya. 2015. Implementasi Kebijakan Kartu Tanda Penduduk Elektronik (E-Ktp) Studi Kasus di Kecamatan Denpasar Utara Provinsi Bali. Citizen charter journal. Vol.1 Nomor 2, Halaman 3.Muh. 2018. Respon Orang Tua Terhadap Kartu Identitas Anak. Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga YogyakartaMustafa, Syahbandir. 2016. Penggunaan Diskresi oleh Pejabat Pemerintah untuk Kelancaran Penyelenggaraanpemerintahan Daerah. Jurnal Magister Ilmu Hukum, 4(2)Nugroho. 2009. Public Policy : Dinamika kebijakan, Analisis Kebijakan, Manajemen Kebijakan. Jakarta. GramediaPradika. 2018. Implementasi Kebijakan Kartu Identitas Anak (Kia) di Dinas Kependudukan dan Pencatatan Sipil Kota Yogyakarta. Sekolah Tinggi Pembangunan Masyarakat Desa YogyakartaRahmawati. 2018. Efektivitas Pelaksanaan Program Kartu Identitas Anak (KIA) Di Dinas Kependudukan dan Catatan Sipil Kota Cilegon 2017. Universitas Sultan Ageng TirtayasaRamdhani, Ramdhani. 2017. Konsep Umum Pelaksanaan Kebijakan Publik. Jurnal Publik. Vol 11, Nomor 1, Halaman 10Subarsono. 2005. Analisis Kebijakan Publik. Yogyakarta. Pustaka pelajarSubarsono. 2013. Analisis Kebijakan Publik. Yogyakarta. Pustaka pelajarSudrajat. 2011. Perlindungan Hukum Anak Sebagai Hak Asasi Manusia. Jurnal Ilmu Hukum. Vol. 13, Nomor 2, Halaman 1 Suryono. 2014. Kebijakan Publik untuk Kesejahteraan Rakyat. Jurnal Ilmu Ilmiah. Vol.6, Nomor 2, Halaman 98Tangkilisan. 2003.Implementasi kebijakan publik : transformasi pikiran George Edward. Yogyakarta. Lukman Offset dan yayasan pembaruan administrasi publik indonesia.Wahab.2010. Pengantar Analisis Implementasi Kebijakan Negara. Jakarta: Rineka Cipta.Wardhani, Hasiolan, Minarsih. 2016. Pengaruh Lingkungan Kerja, Komunikasi, dan Kepemimpinan Terhadap Kinerja Pegawai. Journal of Management.Vol.2, Nomor 2Widodo. 2011. Analisis Kebijakan Publik: Konsep dan Aplikasi Analisis Proses Kebijakan Publik. Malang. Bayu MediaWinarno. 2007. Teori dan Proses Kebijakan Publik. Yogyakarta. Media PressindoWiranata. 2013.Perlindungan Hukum Anak. Jurnal Hukum Unsrat  Vol.1, Nomor 3, Halaman 5. Peraturan Perundang-undanganUndang-undang Nomor 24 Tahun 2013 Tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 23 Tahun 2006 tentang Administrasi KependudukanPeraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri Republik Indonesia nomor 2 Tahun 2016 tentang Kartu Identitas Anak.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Onna van den Broek

Abstract Although corporate social responsibility (CSR) has gone “mainstream,” the relationship between CSR and corporate political activities (CPA) has received little scholarly attention. This is problematic because firms potentially have a more sizable impact through their lobbying activities for socially and environmentally beneficial (or unbeneficial) public policies than through their own operations. This paper investigates if, and how, UN Global Compact signatory firms differ in their policy preferences on key EU proposals compared to other interest groups. To capture state-of-the-art data on firms’ policy preferences, I draw from the INTEREURO database, which includes firms’ lobbying positions on forty-three directives and twenty-seven regulations covering 112 public policy issues in the European Union. Statistical results show that Global Compact signatory firms significantly lobby for stricter regulation than non-signatory firms and industry associations, however, their positions are still lower than nonbusiness groups. These results are similar across various public policy issues and suggest that the regulatory preferences of firms’ participating in soft law CSR initiatives are more aligned with stakeholders' interests. This paper contributes to public policy literature exploring the relationship between hard and soft law as well as literature studying the political representation of divergent interest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-139
Author(s):  
Jean Guillaume Forand ◽  
Gergely Ujhelyi

Many countries place restrictions on the political rights of government workers. This includes limitations on political activities such as taking an active part in political campaigns. Are such restrictions desirable? We present a formal welfare analysis of this question. Bureaucrats’ political activities affect voter perceptions of the government and this can have informational benefits. However, they can also induce policy mistakes and are susceptible to ‘noise’ from some bureaucrats’ innate desire for political expression. When politicians have limited control over bureaucrats and successfully coordinate with voters, bureaucrats’ political activities can be desirable. In most cases, however, banning political activities is optimal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Apandi Apandi

E-literacy and education are important components in improving the quality of human resources needed in an organization. The purpose of this study is to reveal the importance of e-literacy and public policy education. The State Civil Apparatus (ASN) requires e-literacy and education to improve performance results so that public services can be maximized. This becomes interesting research in the development of science-based on the real events that occur in Indonesia. Where so far, e-literacy and education is only intended for the public, especially millennial generation. The research method used is the study of literature where data is obtained through various secondary sources that are relevant to theoretically strengthen research results. The findings explain that e-literacy and education are effective and efficient strategies in overcoming budget constraints and low levels of ASN competence. With e-literacy and public policy education, it is hoped that the professionalism of the ASN bureaucracy will increase and the quality of public services will be better.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Stout

AbstractWhile a number of studies demonstrate that black candidates have the ability to increase black political participation, a growing literature is investigatingwhydescriptive representation matters. This paper contributes to this discussion by exploring whether perceptions of candidate traits play a mediating role between the presence of an African American candidate on the ballot and increases in black political activity. I test this trait hypothesis using data from the 1992–2012 American National Election Study, a survey experiment, and statistical mediation analysis. The results indicate that perceptions of black candidates as being better leaders, more empathetic, knowledgeable, intelligent, honest, and moral explain a substantial amount of why descriptive representation increases black political participation across a range of different political activities. In the conclusion, I discuss the importance of the psychological link between blacks and their co-racial representatives in inspiring higher levels of political participation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktor Dahl ◽  
Håkan Stattin

The purpose of this study is to examine the adolescents who cross the boundaries of legality, also including illegal political means in their political action repertoire. The data comprised of questionnaire responses from middle and late adolescents in a Swedish city of around 130,000 citizens. Analyses of covariance, EXACON, and logistic regression were used to examine the extent to which adolescents including illegal political activities in their political activity repertoire compare with their legally oriented counterparts. Adolescents using illegal political activity reported higher levels of political interest and goal-orientation than adolescents involved solely in legal political activity. The major contrasts with legal political activism were that illegal political activism seemed to co-occur with (a) reluctance to accept authority, irrespective of the context (societal, school, or parental) and (b) approval of violent political means. In a simultaneous model, further analysis revealed that reluctance to accept authority reduced the predictive power of illegal political activities with regard to approval of political violence. This suggests that the tendencies to approve of political violence, among adolescents involved in illegal political activities, might be partially explained by challenges toward authority. To conclude, adolescents in illegal political activism seem to have similar resources for political engagement as their legally oriented counterparts. However, adolescents involved in illegal political activity seem more likely to let ends justify the means. Most likely, this position is related to authority challenges.


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