scholarly journals Activismo Transmedia. Narrativas de participación para el cambio social. Entre la comunicación creativa y el media art

Obra digital ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 123-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro Ortuño Mengual ◽  
Virginia Villaplana Ruiz

El artículo propone una revisión de prácticas activistas mediáticas, origen de las formas participativas de la narrativa transmedia, en relación al lugar y la acción política. La implantación de las redes digitales ha permitido el desarrollo de una cultura red. Se analizan prácticas artísticas de colectivos activistas y las nuevas propuestas desarrolladas con dispositivos móviles vía GPS y webdoc. En este sentido, se proponen tres líneas discursivas sobre el activismo transmedia: las aperturas narrativas del territorio y la ciudadanía, las políticas de acción y representación colectiva, y finalmente, la expresión de la experiencia mediante el testimonio.Transmedia activism. Participatory narratives for social changeAbstractWe propose a review of media activist practices giving rise to participative transmedia narratives in relation to political action and location. Digital networks have allowed the development of a network culture. We discuss artistic practices of activist groups and new proposals made via GPS with mobile devices and web documentaries. We identify three kinds of discourse in transmedia activism: narratives that open up to the regionand its inhabitants, policies for collective action and representation, and the expression of experiences through witness.Keywords: Transmedia, activism, participatory media practices, discursive communication, creative communication, social artpp. 123-144

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Carreiro

RESUMO O trabalho tem como objetivo estabelecer um quadro geral sobre o modo como o Black Bloc utiliza a rede para levar à frente suas ações políticas no Brasil. Para tanto, desenvolve um breve panorama das redes que se formam em torno das três maiores páginas do BB no Facebook e identifica padrões de postagens a partir de categorias previamente estabelecidas. Na via teórica, discute-se a emergência de novas dinâmicas de ativismo, que se utilizam das redes digitais para construir novas formas de atuação política e reforçar atividades pré-existentes, além de a articulação em rede de movimentos globais para atuação em contextos locais e as formas de ação coletiva centradas no indivíduo e descentralizadas do ponto de vista institucional. Ao fim, conclui-se que a atuação política dos Black Bloc no Brasil é preocupada em reforçar sua identidade junto a sua crescente audiência, apresenta uma dinâmica de muitos engajados eventuais e outros tantos que não se envolvem com o conteúdo, além de denotar uma preocupação em informar aos cidadãos sobre atos locais, mas também uma a ideia de se propagar os valores do Black Bloc com atuação internacional e sem fronteiras.Palavras-chave: Ativismo; Facebook; Black bloc; Ação coletiva; Internet.ABSTRACT This paper aims to establishes a wider landscape about the way Brazilian Black Bloc uses Facebook tools to act politically. To reach this goal, we discuss aspects on the networks of the three majors Black Bloc Facebook pages and also identify post patterns related to categories previously established. In the literature review, we address the emergency of new dynamics of activism that uses digital networks to set up new ways of political action and also reinforce pre existing ones. Thus, we discuss the way global movements acts in terms of network articulation in local context, besides issues on decentralized and citizen driven collective action. Finally, we argue that the black bloc political action in Brazil is concerned to identity reinforcement, presents a dynamics that shows an engagement of one timer users, informs citizens about local acts and propagates values about group formation in international bordless basis.Keywords: Activism; Facebook; Black bloc; Collective action; Internet.


2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-71
Author(s):  
Omar Al-Ghazzi

Abstract Exploring the post-March 2011 Syrian online sphere, in this article I focus on nostalgic videos and memes inspired by Arabic-dubbed Japanese anime series originally broadcast on Arab government TV stations in the 1980s. As part of a dissident social media culture, amateur videos that redubbed and edited childhood cartoons have appeared on YouTube since 2011—tackling themes of revolution, war and exile. These videos defied and mocked the Al-Assad regime, as well as the Islamic State. I argue that they are to be understood as empowering media practices for how they project political meaning onto childhood cartoons which are associated with a generational identity shared by now-adult Syrians. Highlighting an understudied aspect of media globalization—the influence of Japanese anime on Arab popular culture—in this article I examine a diverse body of social media clips and memes that recycle Japanese anime. I analyze their re-appropriation by Syrians, by offering a typology of nostalgic online practices in the contexts of war and the uprising. These can be summed up in three categories of nostalgic mediation: nostalgic defiance, as expressed in calls for political action; nostalgic mockery, as reflected in subversive nostalgic humor targeting authority; and nostalgic anguish, in reaction to the trauma of war and exile, for example, in relation to the Syrian refugee crisis.


Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter considers the prospects for political change in the face of communicative barriers to collective action. It begins to address this question by identifying several of the most well-known historical and recent moments in which there was large-scale mobilization on some economic insecurity issues. This discussion, in concert with the empirical findings in this book, helps clarify the prospects for political action (and policy change) on these issues. The chapter then uses the findings from the book to identify three types of people that are most likely to become active. It also talks about the implications of having this (narrower) set of people active as opposed to the full range of people that find the issues to be important. It concludes by reiterating how self-undermining rhetoric is a broad concept that can apply in many different situations beyond those considered herein.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yipeng Xi ◽  
Aaron Ng

While much research stereotypes mass media in authoritarian contexts as mouthpieces of the ruling party, we argue that successful social media–driven activism also requires the support of mass media, even in authoritarian contexts. To investigate the roles of social media and mass media on collective mobilization, we analyzed a case in Guangzhou, China, and conducted in-depth interviews to conceptualize the interconnected relationship between social media and mass media from the perspective of resource mobilization. Findings reveal that social media facilitated the mobilization of participants by providing less fungible and timely resources at the initial stages of collective action. However, it is the more fungible and enduring resources provided by the mass media that sustain the intensity of external pressures to the government. The complementarity between social and mass media in atomized collective action in China is in essence the configuration between exclusive and monopolized resources mediated by a middle-ground discursive mode—“implied truth.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Kurfürst

This article explores the potential for the formation of collective action in Vietnam. Referring to land and labour protests, bauxite mining, anti-China demonstrations, as well as the revision of the 1992 Constitution, the article examines the social movement repertoires diverse groups have adopted to reach their objectives. Drawing on social movement theory and communication power, this contribution shows that apart from access to the technology, citizens’ opportunities to participate in digital networks as well as access to the default communication network of the state are necessary prerequisites in order to attain public attention and possibly to achieve social change. Moreover, this article shows that existing power differentials in Vietnam are reproduced in digital space. It concludes that for different collective behaviours to result in a social movement, it is essential to “switch” and to connect the different networks. For the moment, the call to protect Vietnam's sovereignty offers common ground for collective action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgit Müller

This article reflects on the possibilities for political action emerging out of quotidian engagements. Following controversies on the patenting of seeds in Canada and globally within the Committee for Food Security I explore what gave the impulse for political resistance in these different arenas. How did collective action emerge and how did it sustain itself? Three political concepts are important for understanding the political actions that I observed: Eigen-Sinn, empathy and strategy. These allowed me to follow and theorize political engagements. I first reflect on the potential to resist as a capacity of all human beings, because they have Eigen-Sinn: the capacity to attribute their own meanings to things, and act in their own self-interested way according to the meaning given. Self-interested action can only become political, however, when humans go beyond their strictly individual interests and empathize with others (humans and nonhumans), what Adorno described as getting into ‘live contact with the warmth of things’. Finally, I discuss how collective action can become not only possible, but also effective, by building and defending a space for strategic action.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zenia Yonus

This article presents two prevailing media orientations among Syrian migrants in Denmark. The purpose is to show how Syrians relate to, and evaluate, mediated content, and how it relates to political action. The orientations are dyadic, and represent both news about the conflict in Syria, as well as Danish politics – migration policies in particular. The first is the ambivalent-localizing orientation that mirrors the twofold orientation towards both Danish and Syrian political events; and the second is the informed-obliterate, in which Syrians choose to drop out of media content about Syria due to mental health issues, or fear for their families still in Syria. The study shows how media practices among diasporic Syrians in Denmark are multidimensional, and puts forward the complexities of identity processes between here and there, between political activism and demobilization, and between gratitude for being safe and never feeling safe. The argument is that, these multi-local processes involve multiple interdependent factors, diverse encounters, as well as a variety of struggles in belonging. Syrians consequently lack agency as well as social, media and political recognition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul Lejano ◽  
Ernest Chui ◽  
Timothy Lam ◽  
Jovial Wong

Policy scholars need to better describe the diversity of actors and interests that forge collective political action through nonformal social networks. The authors find extant theories of collective action to only partially explain such heterogeneity, which is exemplified by the urban protest movements in Hong Kong. A new concept, that of the narrative-network, appears better able to describe movements chiefly characterized by heterogeneity. Instead of simple commonalities among members, a relevant property is the plurivocity of narratives told by members of the coalition. Analyzing ethnographic interviews of members of the movement, the authors illustrate the utility of narrative-network analysis in explaining the complex and multiple motivations behind participation. Narrativity and the shared act of narration, within an inclusive and democratic community, are part of what sustains the movement. The research further develops the theory of the narrative-network, which helps explain the rise of street protest in Hong Kong as an emergent, alternative form of civic engagement.


Leonardo ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Townsend

The adoption of mobile devices as the computers of the 21st century marks a shift away from the fixed terminals that dominated the first 50 years of computing. Associated with this shift will be a new emphasis on context-aware computing. This article examines design approaches to context-aware computing and argues that the evolution of this technology will be characterized by an interplay between top-down systems for command and control and bottom-up systems for collective action. This process will lead to the emergence of “contested-aware cities,” in which power struggles are waged in public spaces with the assistance of context-aware systems.


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