scholarly journals ARENA SOSIAL, PETANI, DAN PERLUASAN KONFLIK PERTANAHAN DI SUMATERA UTARA

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Alan Darmawan
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
East Coast ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Land Grabbing ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Colonial Legacy ◽  
Multiple Strategies ◽  
North Sumatra ◽  
Mangrove Trees

This article deals with an agrarian dispute that has expanded from the ‘plantation belt’ to the swampy area on the East Coast of North Sumatra, which intertwined with a colonial legacy, environmental issue, Masyarakat Adat discourse, and recent political development. I conducted fieldwork in 2014 and periodic visits in 2015 to live among the community, observe, discuss, and document the events that occurred in the periods, and analyze them historically and also in the recent socio-political and economic context. Focussing on a community called Orang Paluh who are mostly the descendants of the ex-plantation labors in Percut residing on the marshland named Paluh Merbau, this research looks at their attempts in dealing with land grabbing, the change of land use, and in negotiating with the restriction in utilizing mangrove trees in their surroundings. In such a social arena of the dispute, Orang Paluh played multiple strategies against land grabbing through mass mobilization, legal dispute, political support from the local political elites, and an alliance with Badan Perjuangan Rakyat Penunggu Indonesia (BPRPI), which holds a mandate as a regional branch of Aliansi Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (AMAN).

scholarly journals Sociological aspects of the transformation of agrarian structure of Serbia in 1990-2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-243
Author(s):  
S Šljukić ◽  
M Šljukić
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Medium Size ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Land Grabbing ◽  
The West ◽  
Agricultural Enterprises ◽  
Third Phase ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Agrarian Structure

One of the constitutive elements of former socialist societies that suffered radical transformations in recent decades of ‘the transition’ is certainly the agrarian structure. The authors focus on the sociological aspects of the Serbian agrarian structure transformation from the breakdown of the socialist system to the present day. The first phase of changes (1990-2000) created an environment and prerequisites for the differentiation of peasantry that continues until the present day. The second phase (2001-2012) is characterized by the appearance of large agricultural enterprises that emerged primarily as a result of privatization. During the third phase (2013-) Serbia has been drawn into the global process of ‘land grabbing’. The authors argue that in agriculture, instead of the middle class consisting of farmers, the country got a very differentiated peasantry opposing the large enterprises; and this situation is typical for post-socialist states due to three interrelated reasons: the new social-economic order was not built on the ruins of socialism but rather from the ruins; different actors within the Serbian society pursued their particular interests in the process of changes and followed demagogical declarative instructions from external experts, especially from the West; new political elites did not strive to build ex-socialist states according to their own model but rather met the needs and carried out the plans of their governments and companies, i.e. the term ‘periferization’ should be used instead of the term ‘transition’. In the final part of the paper, the authors try to answer the question why the transitional expectations regarding agrarian structural transformation did not come true, and the institutional framework for the majority of farmers working on the medium-size lands was not created. The authors also try to predict the upcoming possible alterations within the agrarian structure of the Republic of Serbia.

scholarly journals PERAN KIAI DALAM MEMBANGUN PARTISIPASI PEMILIH

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Nurhadi Nurhadi ◽  
Sunarso Sunarso
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Voter Participation ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Interactive Model ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Political Choices

This article aims to discuss the role of kiai in building voter participation. The method used is a qualitative approach. Data collection using observation, interviews, and observations. Analysis uses an interactive model. The results of the study show that scholars have 3 (three) roles in politics, namely as political political patrons, political elites, and political mediators. Kiai as political patrons become a reference in making political choices. Kiai are active political elites in the management of political parties and mass mobilization. Kiai as political mediators mediate in political conflicts. 

scholarly journals Short Communication: The mitochondrial cytochrome c oxidase subunit I (COI) for identification of batoids collected from landed sites in Medan, Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
MUFTI SUDIBYO ◽  
Khairiza Lubis ◽  
ACHMAD FARAJALLAH ◽  
NISFA HANIM
Keyword(s):  
Cytochrome C ◽  
Cytochrome C Oxidase ◽  
Short Communication ◽  
East Coast ◽  
Morphological Trait ◽  
Coi Gene ◽  
Mitochondrial Cytochrome ◽  
Landing Sites ◽  
Dna Fragment ◽  
North Sumatra

Abstract. Lubis K, Sudibyo M, Farajallah A, Hanim N. 2020. Short Communication: The mitochondrial cytochrome c oxidase subunit I (COI) for identification of batoids collected from landing sites in Medan, Indonesia. Biodiversitas 21: 5414-5421.  Batoids are member of Elsamoranch subclass which consist of many species. Most of batoids species are overexploited, especially in Medan Indonesia. Up to presents, the information about diversity of rays on the east coast of North Sumatra, Indonesia was very limited. Therefore, this research aimed to investigate the diversity of rays on the east coast of North Sumatra. We examined the morphological trait of 82 individuals of batoid from three landing sites on the east coast of North Sumatra, namely: Tanjung Balai, Belawan, and Percut, then identify its species based on determination key. After that, we collected pectoral muscle tissue from an individual in each species which successfully identified to extract its genomic DNA. Molecular based identification was carried out by using DNA fragment form COI gene. The successfully amplificated COI gene DNA fragment then was sequenced and analyzed. Based on morphological trait, we successfully identifying nine species of batoid, which is Maculabatis gerrardi, Gymnura poecilura, Dasyatis zugei, Brevitrygon heterura, Neotrygon kuhlii, Hemitrygon bennettii, Rhinobatos jimbaranensis, Rhinoptera javanica, and Taeniura lymma. The result of identification based on COI gene DNA fragment was in congruent with morphological-based identification based on data BLAST-N and genetic distance value within same species. The nucleotide diversity within same species ranged from 0-15 nucleotide variants.

Political elites and social conflict governance in current China -the case of Tang Hui re-education through labour

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Zhengzhou Zhang ◽  
Didier Caluwaerts
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Social Conflicts ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Governance Mode ◽  
Social Elites ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
Changing Times

Purpose In spite of unprecedented levels of social, economic and political development, Chinese politics is characterized by increasingly salient social contradictions, conflicts and even protests. As for the various measures taken by all levels of governments to maintain social stability in changing times, the effect is not obvious, and all kinds of social conflicts are still on the rise. The purpose of this paper is to find out the relationship between political elites and social conflicts and give advice on the adjustment of the governance mode of social conflicts in current China. Design/methodology/approach This paper attempts to conduct a detailed analysis of the case of Tang Hui re-education through labour to explore how social conflicts arise, upgrade and dissolve within the intention of political elites to maintain social stability in current China. Findings Political elites who are subject to the pressure of maintaining social stability cannot rely on public interests and civil rights as the full justification for their actions. Above all, they must place social stability first. In this sense, political elites are constructing the network of maintaining social stability and shaping social protests. Social elites use the media or the internet platform to exert public opinion influence and try to push social protests to final solutions. In this way, social elites deconstruct political elites’ network of maintaining social stability. However, the forces that enable social conflicts and protests to be resolved remain to be the network of maintaining social stability itself. Originality/value The case of Tang Hui re-education through labour is believed to have hastened the abolition of the system of re-education through labour. As it completely interprets the whole process of the generation, evolution and resolution of social conflicts in current China, this typical case can be considered as an ideal lens through which we can see the unique relationship between political elites and social conflicts, as well as the governance mode of social conflicts in current China.

From Conservation to Environment: The Sierra Club and the Organizational Politics of Change

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
McGee Young
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Organizational Politics ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Aldo Leopold ◽  
Sierra Club ◽  
Policy Feedback ◽  
National Monument ◽  
Agents Of Change ◽  
New Type ◽  
Institutional Actors

In the 1950s, the Sierra Club emerged as a leader of the nascent environmental movement. In challenging a proposal to build two dams within the boundaries of Dinosaur National Monument, the Club found its voice as a public advocate for the preservation of wilderness and in the process introduced a new type of politics to old conflicts over conservation. Born out of the Dinosaur dam conflict was a new environmentalism characterized by confrontation with state authorities and emotion-laden appeals to the public for political support. The Sierra Club's success in pioneering these strategies launched it to the forefront of the new movement, elevated its executive director David Brower to icon status among environmentalists, and affirmed the philosophy of Aldo Leopold as the moral compass of the movement. In this essay, I argue that interest group entrepreneurs ought to be considered alongside institutional actors as agents of change within processes of political development. As the case of the Sierra Club demonstrates, the internal organizational politics of a group can be just as important in establishing a trajectory of political development as are processes of policy feedback.

Islamic Defenders Front Militia (Front Pembela Islam) and its Impact on Growing Religious Intolerance in Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Facal
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Personal Goals ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Public ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Political Economic

AbstractThe processes of democratisation and liberalisation initiated during the course of the IndonesianReformasiera (1998-) generated a stronger porosity in the State's frontiers and led to the formation of certain semi-institutionalised organisations. The approaching 2019 presidential elections have enabled these organisations to position themselves as political and moral brokers. The Islamic Defenders Front militia (FPI) appears to be one of the main actors in this process. It has succeeded in imposing itself in the public sphere, channelling political support and utilising extensive media coverage.While avoiding providing direct opposition to the ruling government and the Constitution, this organisation promotes the social morals followed by a large part of the population and encourages radicalism and violent actions in the name of Islam. The organisation collaborates with a section of the regional and national political elites, some sections of the army and police, several groups that are—more or less—criminal in nature, a number of local communities in different areas, and a variety of violent Islamist groups. Thus, it is at the crossroads of multiple political, economic, social, and religious interests.At the same time, the organisation's leaders maintain their own political objectives. They manipulate the dynamics of the electoral decentralised system to their advantage by obtaining political concessions that serve their personal goals. The capacity of the organisation to impose its discourse on the public stage has led to an urgent need to interrogate both the institutional and ideological transformations initiated by the Indonesian decentralisation since 1999.

WELCOMING THE ‘FON OF FONS’: ANGLOPHONE ELITES AND THE POLITICS OF HOSTING CAMEROON'S HEAD OF STATE

Africa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-245
Author(s):  
Rogers Tabe Egbe Orock
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Cultural Performance ◽  
African Politics ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Political Ethnography ◽  
Elite Politics ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Hierarchical Relations ◽  
Regional Competition

ABSTRACTThis article draws on a political ethnography of the hosting of state ceremonies to engage with erstwhile theoretical accounts of African politics as highly patrimonial and built on a social complicity between African rulers and their citizens. The article examines the patrimonial relationship between Cameroon's head of state, Paul Biya, and political elites of local ethno-regional communities who support the president within the framework of the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) in Anglophone Cameroon. It approaches such elite politics of hosting as part of the vast cultural repertoire of patrimonial domination that emphasizes a spectacularization of proximity and intimacy between the head of state and his coterie of supporting elites as the latter seek development resources for their local and regional communities in exchange for their political support. To account for hosting as a practice of patrimonial elite politics, the article demonstrates the complex logics and pragmatics of ethnic and regional competition as well as the deployment of symbolic idioms of hierarchical relations, mutuality and interdependence in the cultural performance and legitimation of Biya's patrimonial domination of Cameroon.

Self-determination in Oceania

Race & Class ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terence Wesley-Smith
Keyword(s):  
State Formation ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Pacific Islands ◽  
Linguistic Diversity ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
True Self ◽  
Colonial Legacy ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Nation State Formation

The interplay between national self-determination, the colonial legacy, the concept of sovereignty and the nature of state formation is what is at issue in any understanding of political development in the Pacific Islands. These complex territorial entities, scattered over thousands of square miles of ocean, embrace a vast range of cultural, geographical and linguistic diversity. Indigenous social and political organisation has been overlaid by arbitrary colonial divisions, and a model of western-style nation state formation promulgated by UN agencies. In the event, many of the fundamental economic and political problems of these societies have never been properly addressed-a situation exacerbated by the growing recourse to interventionism against ‘failed’ states by the most powerful. Any starting point for true self-determination in Oceania has to be found in indigenous practices of self-government.

scholarly journals Analisis Pertumbuhan Dan Persebaran Penduduk Provinsi Sumatera Utara Berdasarkan Hasil Sensus Penduduk Tahun 2010

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mbina Pinem
Keyword(s):  
Population Growth ◽  
West Coast ◽  
East Coast ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
Spatial Approach ◽  
North Sumatra ◽  
Coast Region

This research porposes to understand growth and spread of population in Province of North Sumatra. The method used here is decriptive analysis of secondary data with the spatial approach. Whereas the object of research are the number of population, the population growth, and spread of population of North Sumatra Province based on 2010 census of Indonesian pupulation. The outcome of research represents that the population growth of Province of North Sumatra from 2000 to 2010 average of 1,22 percent per year. Then, the highest population growth found in Regency of Middle Tapanuli (2,46 percent), followed by Regency of Karo (2,17 percent), and South Tapanuli Regency (2,12 percent). Meanwhile the lowest population growth found in Siantar Town (-029 percent) and followed by Toba Samosir Regency (0,38 percent) and Simalungun Regency (-0,46 percent). As the spread of pupulation in the North Sumatra Province is not prevalent, as the settlements spreads nearly 62,87 percent on the east coast region, whereas only 3,05 percent on the west coast, and the rest 4,85 percent on the Nias Islands.

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