scholarly journals Assessment of the causes of the February Revolution in the modern party narrative

2021 ◽  
pp. 94-108
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Leonidovna Timshina
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Russian History ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Uniform Approach ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Key Events ◽  
The Revolution

The February Revolution is one of the key events in the Russian history. Namely this event put the end to the century-long history of the Russian autocracy, and prompted an attempt of a new state structure. A century later, the attitude towards these events determines the ideological basis of multiple Russian parties existing in modern time. Within the framework of establishment of their historical policy, they proposed the original approaches towards the causes of the February Revolution. The author analyzes the perspective of modern parties on the causes of the fall of the monarchy and the advent of revolutionary disturbances. The main sources employ the official documents of the most popular parties (participants of the 2016 federal elections), speeches and publications of their leaders. The conclusion is made on the absence of uniform approach of the parties towards the causes of the revolutionary events of 1917. The author distinguishes the two groups: those who see the causes of the revolution in aggravation of socioeconomic problems; and those who perceive the revolution as coincidence that disrupted the course of history due to certain mistakes made by the government. Unlike the majority of professional historians, multiple political authors assume that the revolution was a result of conspiracy, comparing it to the “orange revolutions” of recent years. The parties also drew parallels between modernity and pre-revolutionary times. The author indicates the need for overcoming (or preventing) the gap between the government and society. as well as reducing the social stratification.

CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL IDEA OF THE “SOCIAL STATE” IN THE HISTORY OF LEGAL AND POLITICAL THOUGHT

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roman Fedorov
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Significant Contribution ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
State Structure ◽  
Thomas More ◽  
Social State ◽  
Classical Liberal ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

The article is devoted to the problem of the social state as one of the fundamental constitutional principles of the state structure of modern developed countries. The course of historical development of philosophical and legal thought on this problem is considered. The idea of a close connection between the concept of the social state and the ideas of utopian socialism of Thomas More and Henri Saint-Simon is put forward. Liberals also made a significant contribution to the development of the idea of the social state, they argued that the ratio of equality and freedom is a key problem for the classical liberal doctrine. It is concluded that the emergence of the theory of the social state for objective reasons was inevitable, since it is due to the historical development of society.

scholarly journals Dari Medan Perang Berburu Lapangan Pekerjaan: Pengangguran Revolusi di Yogyakarta Tahun 1950-an

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Rika Inggit Asmawati
Keyword(s):  
Economic History ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
Independent Country ◽  
Unemployment Problem ◽  
Economic Improvement

This research discusses about the social economic history of Yogyakarta during 1950s. The main problem is to analyze how the newly independent country of Indonesia dealt with unemployment after the revolutionary period. This research employs the historical method using primary and secondary sources, such as archives, newspapers, magazines, interviews, and reviews of relevant references. There are four conclusions in this research. First, although the period was called as the period of creating jobs, the unemployment number in early 1950s was increasing. Second, this unemployment problem was not primarily caused by the economic condition but also by demographic problems and the legacies from the Revolution Era. Third, people who were categorized as unemployed were not only labors, but also veterans. Fourth, for the government, solving this unemployment problem was the effort to create economic improvement for its society.

scholarly journals Portrait de l’écrivain en autodidacte

1969 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Biron
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Value ◽  
The Self ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Literary Representations ◽  
Jean Paul ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Quebec Literature ◽  
The Revolution

L’écrivain devient rarement écrivain par les voies traditionnelles de l’école. En ce sens, il constitue toujours à quelque degré un autodidacte. Toutefois, la valeur sociale d’une telle figure, qu’il s’agisse de l’écrivain lui-même ou d’un personnage de fiction, varie considérablement selon les cultures et les époques. Dans La Nausée de Jean-Paul Sartre, l’Autodidacte est un personnage complexé qui envie le savoir et la culture de Roquentin. À l’inverse, on trouve nombre de textes littéraires où la figure de l’autodidacte est valorisée. C’est particulièrement vrai dans l’histoire de la littérature québécoise, depuis le XIXe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Cet article propose d’en faire la démonstration à travers une série d’exemples tirés de chacune des périodes, mais en insistant sur la figure de « l’autodidacte exemplaire » propre à la Révolution tranquille, qui oppose la culture comme désir à la culture comme héritage scolaire. Abstract A writer becomes rarely a writer through studying at school. Speaking of a self-made writer would seem tautological since every writer could pretend to be one at some extent. Nevertheless, the social value of the self-made writer and of it’s literary representations vary a lot from a country to another, and from a period of time to another. In La Nausée from Jean-Paul Sartre, the character of “L’Autodidacte” envy Roquentin’s background and try to walk in his step. At the opposite, there are many examples of literary texts where the self-made is appreciated, if not admired as the true possessor of culture. It’s often the case in the history of Quebec’s literature, from 19th century up to now. This article try to demonstrate such fortune of the self-made by studying examples of Quebec literature chosen in each of the main periods, but especially during the “Révolution tranquille” around the “autodidacte exemplaire” who refuse the culture as inheritance and worship culture as personal desire.

scholarly journals Dreams of the Russian Revolution in the Utopias of Alexander Chayanov and Andrei Platonov

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-290
Author(s):  
Alexander Nikulin
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Central Theme ◽  
New Horizons ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Revolution

The Russian Revolution is the central theme of both A. Chayanov’s novel The Journey of My Brother Alexei to the Land of Peasant Utopia and A. Platonov’s novel Chevengur. The author of this article compares the chronicles and images of the Revolution in the biographies of Chayanov and Platonov as well as the main characters, genres, plots, and structures of the two utopian novels, and questions the very understanding of the history of the Russian Revolution and the possible alternatives of its development. The article focuses not only on the social-economic structure of utopian Moscow and Chevengur but also on the ethical-aesthetic foundations of both utopias. The author argues that the two utopias reconstruct, describe, and criticize the Revolution from different perspectives and positions. In general, Chayanov adheres to a relativistic and pluralistic perception of the Revolution and history, while Platonov, on the contrary, absolutizes the end of humankind history with the eschatological advent of Communism. In Chayanov‘s utopia, the Russian Revolution is presented as a viable alternative to the humanistic-progressive ideals of the metropolitan elites with the moderate populist-socialist ideas of the February Revolution. In Platonov’s utopia, the Revolution is presented as an alternative to the eschatological-ecological transformation of the world by provincial rebels inspired by the October Revolution. Thus, Chayanov’s liberal-cooperative utopia and Platonov’s anarchist-communist utopia contain both an apologia and a criticism of the Russian Revolution in the insights of its past and future victories and defeats, and opens new horizons for alternative interpretations of the Russian Revolution.

scholarly journals TAJALLIYAH ASH-SHIRA' FI AL-ADAB AL-'ARABI AL-MU'ASHIR WA ATSARIHI FI HARB AL-'ARAB تجليات الصراع في الأدب العربي المعاصر وأثره في حرب العرب (من الصراع والصدام إلى ثقافة الحرب في شعر سوريا نموذجا)

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Halimi Halimi ◽  
M. Faisol ◽  
Muhammad Majed Al-Dakhiel
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Strong Relationship ◽  
Spatial Dimension ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Spiritual Dimension ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Revolution

<p>لقد عبر شعر الصراع (المقاومة والثورة والحرب) في بلاد الجزيرة العربية مفردات متنوعة طوال تاريخها من خلال البعدين، منهما البعد المكاني متمثلا في الأرض التي حملها الشعر دلالات ومعان تتجاوز ملامحها المادية لتكتسب بعدا روحيا وقيما عليا. والبعد الثاني يتمثل في البعد التراثي والتاريخي. فشعر الصراعات لا ينفصل من الواقع الاجتماعي، وليس هو الشعر الانعزالي، بل هو الشعر الاجتماعي الذي له علاقة متينة بواقعه، والذي يحمل رموزا تاريخية كثيرة نتيجة لامتداد العمر الزمني لهذا المجتمع من العصور القديمة، وكان المجتمع والأرض تصنع تقاليد تتطور إلى رموز، فهناك رمز للكرام وللمروءة ولمعاناة المجتمع وللصراع، وفي الرمز أسلوب فيه تلميح ومداره.</p><p><br />Throughout the history of the Arab world, the poetry of the struggle (the resistance, the revolution and the war) has been a varied vocabulary throughout its history through the two dimensions, including the spatial dimension, in the land where poetry carries meanings and meanings that transcend its physical texture to acquire a spiritual dimension and supreme value. It is the social poetry that has a strong relationship to its reality, which carries many historical symbols as a result of the extension of the temporal age of this society from antiquity. The society and the land made traditions that evolve into symbols. And the suffering of society and the conflict and the virus, and in the code style in which the tip and orbit.</p>

scholarly journals The “Edelevsky” list of the “protective memory” of Tsar Ivan Vasilyevich to the Mordovian Princes and Murzes in 1572

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Demidov
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Ties ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Unique Source ◽  
The Russian Empire

Introduction. The article considers the publication of a unique source for the history of the Mordovian people, the “protective memory” dated by 1572 addressed to the princes and Murzes of Mordovia. The “protective memory” is considered in comparison with the “romadanovsky” list belonging to the descendants of the Mordovian prince Romadan, seeking the return of the nobility, the non-criminal record of the Temnik-Kadom Mordva, published in the XVIII century, similar to the records of Tatar Sovereigns to the Temnik-Kadom Mordva. Materials and methods. The author focused on studying the content of the source, revealing the identities of the recipients, analyzing the composition of the princes and Murz of Mordovian records, spelling of the names, origin, and family ties. The genealogy of the princes Edelevs is being reconstructed, the history of their kind is described together with the history of Mordovian Murzas and their representatives in the context of social and historical ties. Results and discussion. The article describes the social situation of Princes Edelevs, the features of land ownership, land use, property and ownership of serfs. The article discusses the history of the discovery and use of the source in the clerical work of the aristocratic deputies’ assemblies and the Governing Senate at the request of the descendants of Mordovian princes and Muzes from the Edelev family to restore the rights of the noble state. It poses the problem of studying the social stratification in Mordovian society, the typology and origin of the Mordovian aristocracy, the peculiarities of the titling and inheritance of power, its role in the historical and social development of the Mordovian people, as well as its legal status in the Russian Empire. It compares the situation of the Temnikov-Kadom Mordovian Tarkhans, Cossacks, White Field and Alatyr princes and Mordovian Murzes, serving Mordovians and Tatars. Conclusion. “Protective memory” indicates that in the XVI century there was a national Mordovian aristocracy, collaborating with Moscow and being in the service of Great Sovereigns, and subsequently becoming part of the nobility and other classes of Russian society. The choice of Mordovian princes ensured the relatively peaceful entry of Mordovian lands into the Russian Empire.

The ‘Three Glorious Days’: The Revolution of 1830 in Provincial France

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Pilbeam
Keyword(s):  
Complete Analysis ◽  
Louis Xiv ◽  
Napoleon Bonaparte ◽  
Revolutionary Violence ◽  
Regular Army ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Impact ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of State ◽  
The Revolution

France has always envied Paris. A popular interpretation of the history of France has been of conflict between the capital and the provinces in which Paris was the victor, at least from the establishment of the system of intendants by Louis XIV in the late seventeenth century. Radical Paris took the lead in the revolutionary upheavals of the 1790s, in 1830, 1848 and 1870–1. The conflict of the 1790s produced civil and foreign war and led to an even greater domination by Paris through the centralizing policies of Napoleon Bonaparte as military dictator. Under his rule and subsequently, all officials - civil, judicial, military, religious and educational - were appointed by the government in Paris. The Council of State was a corner-stone of this policy in the capital, the departmental prefect in the provinces. In 1830 the results of the July Days were acceptable on the whole to the French; but in 1848 provincial France roundly rejected the radical social revolution favoured by intellectuals and artisans in Paris; in 1871 the Commune of Paris was virtually isolated in its decentralizing and social-reforming ambitions and suffered bloody defeat at the hands of the regular army. Apparently, then, 1830 was the last, and perhaps only, time in the nineteenth century that ‘Paris led, France followed.’ Was 1830 so unique, and if so, why? The Revolution of 1830 was unquestionably Parisian, in that events in the capital determined the timing and location of acts of significant revolutionary violence and in that the major political and administrative changes which followed the revolution were enacted in Paris. Should one therefore assume that the provinces were passive, that they had little impact on events? This revolution may neatly illustrate the success with which Louis XIV, Napoleon and others had centralized France, but that conclusion needs to be based on evidence, not assumption. The most recent complete analysis of the revolution concentrated on Paris, but also delineated some aspects of provincial unrest in 1830, making use of the local studies written for the centenary of the revolution. Some provincial and departmental histories describe the events of 1830 and their local impact.

The Constitutional Crisis in Austria

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
Malbone W. Graham
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Stress And Strain ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
The Government

Constitutionalism, in Austria, is not a new slogan. It was a phrase to conjure with during the entire lifetime of Francis Joseph, though in practice the whole history of the country down to the revolution of 1918 was its virtual negation. Only in the latter days of the monarchy, when the scepter passed from the hands of Francis Joseph to the inexperienced young emperor Karl, was a modicum of popular expression allowed to supplant the personal autocracy of the sovereign. The old Austria passed out of existence in 1918 without the successful implantation of a régime of liberal legality in any of its parts.The young Austrian Republic, coming into existence in the hour of the Empire's dissolution, thus inherited a legacy of unconstitutional government, and only the solidity of socialist and clerical party organization, bred of the stress and strain of clashing conceptions of the social order, gave support to the government in the days when social revolution swept almost to the doors of Vienna. It was under such circumstances that Austria entered, in 1918, upon the way of constitutionalism and sought, through her provisional instruments of government, to avoid the autocratic excesses of the past and avert the impending perils of a proletarian dictatorship.In a series of revolutionary pronouncements and decisions of her provisional assembly, she discarded, under socialist leadership, the arbitrary régime attendant on the monarchy, and, establishing a unitary democratic republic with far-reaching local self-government as a stepping-stone toward union with Germany, inaugurated a régime of unquestioned parliamentary supremacy, strict ministerial responsibility, virtual executive impotence, and extensive socialization.

Frank Tannenbaum and the Mexican Revolution

2010 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Alan Knight
Keyword(s):  
Cultural History ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Social Program ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Psychological Consequences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Politics And Education ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThis article examines Frank Tannenbaum's engagement with Mexico in the crucial years following the Revolution of 1910–1920 and his first visit to the country in 1922. Invited—and feted—by the government and its powerful labor allies, Tannenbaum soon expanded his initial interest in organized labor and produced a stream of work dealing with trade unions, peasants, Indians, politics, and education—work that described and often justified the social program of the Revolution, and that, rather surprisingly, continued long after the Revolution had lost its radical credentials in the 1940s. Tannenbaum's vision of Mexico was culturalist, even essentialist; more Veblenian than Marxist; at times downright folkloric. But he also captured important aspects of the process he witnessed: local and regional variations, the unquantifiable socio-psychological consequences of revolution, and the prevailing concern for order and stability. In sum, Tannenbaum helped establish the orthodox—agrarian, patriotic, and populist—vision of the Revolution for which he has been roundly, if sometimes excessively, criticized by recent “revisionist” historians; yet his culturalist approach, with its lapses into essentialism, oddly prefigures the “new cultural history” that many of these same historians espouse.

The Tunisian Revolution: From Universal Slogans for Democracy to the Power of Language

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabiha Jerad†
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Social ◽  
Diverse Backgrounds ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Act ◽  
Linguistic Dimension ◽  
Tunisian Revolution ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Revolution

This article, published posthumously, focuses on the use of language in the Tunisian revolution. It argues that language during the revolution and in the context of the Arab spring more widely was a performative political act by people from diverse backgrounds who united around the common cause of democracy and dignity. It examines the diversity of enunciations during the revolution, verbal as well as written (in the form of graffiti and protest banners), and relates them to the social history of Tunisia. The article then turns to the linguistic faultlines in the wake of the Tunisian revolution between secular and ‘Islamist’ camps in Tunisia, and the linguistic dimension of political debate in the country and its relationship to social history.

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