scholarly journals Development and democracy in the Republic of Korea study in dialectic relationship

2019 ◽  
pp. 113-147
Author(s):  
أ.م.د.ابتسام محمد العامري

After its 35-year occupation of Japan and the US occupation, Korea has set its sights on a long-term goal of building its country and establishing its foundations, unobtrusive and unchecked by the problems and wars that have stood in the way of its goal, surpassing all odds and achieving the best results. The most powerful Asian and global economies, which gained the respect of the world and its appreciation of the experience has become referred to as boys

Significance Despite this, Biden indicated no change in the US position after a bilateral agreement with Germany effectively paved the way to completing the pipeline. Technically, Nord Stream 2 could begin partially operating in October. Impacts The recent spike in European gas prices to levels unseen since 2008 reinforces the case for Nord Stream 2's speedy completion. EU energy diversification, with a focus on renewables, poses long-term questions about the viability of both the Nord Stream pipelines. From October, Hungary will switch to Gazprom gas supplied via Serbia and Austria instead of through Ukrainian pipelines.


Author(s):  
Gulnara I. Bayazitova ◽  
Lidiya Yu. Korge

This article studies the first German translation of the “Six Books on the Republic” by the French lawyer and philosopher Jean Boden, published in 1592. Particular attention is paid to the preface to the treatise, which was written by the translator, a Lutheran priest Johann Oswaldt. There, Oswaldt sets out his position on the “Republic” as well as points out the need for this translation and the relevance of Boden’s treatise for monarchs and rulers. Oswaldt’s foreword is remarkable, firstly, for the terminological synthesis that he carries out. Relying on Boden’s both French and Latin manuscripts of “The Republic”, he carefully selects appropriate German terms to convey their connotations. Second, the German translation of “The Republic” opens the possibility of following the reception of Jean Boden’s ideas in Germany. The authors of this article come to the conclusion that Oswaldt had a practical purpose when he translated the main political work that substantiated the theory of sovereignty. The dedication of the translation to the Duke of Württemberg and the Count of Mümpelgard politicizes his scholarly effort. In fact, following Boden himself, Oswaldt aims to make “The Republic” read and utilized by his patrons. In the long term, the implementation of the ideas outlined in “The Republic” will lead to the foundation of the sovereignty of Württemberg. At the same time, the study of the first German translation has further research implications, since it outlines the area of distribution of Boden’s treatise on the European continent. The German translation followed the Italian and Spanish editions, but appeared earlier than the English translation. Hence, this article might pave the way for studying the reception of the theory of sovereignty in the works of German authors in Russian historiography.


Author(s):  
Alexander Zhebin

The article analyzes the prospects for US-North Korean and inter-Korean relations, taking into account the completed policy review of the new US administration towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), as well as the results of the President of the Republic of Korea Moon Jae-in’s trip to Washington in May 2021 and his talks with US President Joe Biden. It is concluded that the “new" course proposed by the United States in relation to the DPRK will not lead to a solution to the nuclear problem of the Korean Peninsula and will interfere with the normalization of inter-Korean relations. During his visit to the US President Moon failed to obtain the US consent on ROK more “independent policy” toward North Korea. In spite of lavish investments into US economy and other concessions, Seoul was forced to promise to coordinate his approaches to the DPRK with US and Japan and support US position on Taiwan straits and South China Sea. The author argues that in the current conditions, the introduction of a regime of arms limitation and arms control in Korea should be a necessary stage on the way to complete denuclearization of the peninsula. The transition to a such method of the settlement of the nuclear problem could lead to the resumption of the negotiation process, mutual concessions, including reductions in the level of military-political confrontation, partial or large-scale lifting of economic sanctions in exchange for North Korea's restrictions of its nuclear weapon and missile systems.


Author(s):  
Vasilii Erokhin

China is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. To ensure a continual increase in trade, China's contemporary policies are aimed at the creation of new market opportunities for China's companies abroad. The chapter addresses the major challenges of collaboration between China and the countries of Central and Northeast Asia, reviews the milestones of China's trade policies in Eurasia, analyses China's recent trade and development initiative (One Belt One Road project) and its convergence with other integration initiatives in the region, and reviews trade flows between China and the countries of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and Northeast Asia (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Japan, Mongolia, and the Republic of Korea) during 2015. The chapter is concluded with an analysis of how China can pursue shaping an inter-regional market by looking across national boundaries and with the discussion of structural changes needed for China to ensure its competitiveness in the markets of the studied country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 185 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 330-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean D Mclaughlin ◽  
Ramey L Wilson

Abstract Developing, cultivating, and sustaining medical interoperability strengthens the support we provide to the warfighter by presenting our Commanders options and efficiencies to the way we can enable their operations. As our national security and defense strategies change the way our forces are employed to address our security risks throughout the world, some military commands will find they cannot provide adequate medical care without working in concert with willing and available partners.This article proposes a tiered framework that allows medical personnel to further describe and organize their engagement activities around the concept and practicalities of medical interoperability. As resources become diverted to other theaters or missions expand beyond assigned capabilities, medical interoperability provides Commanders with options to medically enable their missions through their partnerships with others. This framework links and connects activities and engagements to build partner capacity with long-term or regional interoperability among our partners and challenges engagement planners to consider ways to build interoperability at all four tiers when planning or executing health engagements and global health development. Using this framework when planning or evaluating an engagement or training event will illuminate opportunities to develop interoperability that might have otherwise been unappreciated or missed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 222 ◽  
pp. F2-F2

World growth is expected to remain below trend at 3.1 per cent in 2012 and 3.4 per cent in 2013.The Euro Area is forecast to contract by 0.5 per cent this year and grow only marginally next year with unemployment reaching ‘depression-era’ rates in some periphery economies. The US is likely to grow by 2 per cent in each year.Growth in Brazil, Russia, India and China will be below long-term potential next year, although ‘hard-landings’ will be avoided; the impact on advanced economies will be offset by a large gain in competitiveness.Debt to GDP ratios in OECD countries will, on average, be higher in 2014 than at present.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomonori Ishida

AbstractIn January 1983, Japan finalized an economic assistance agreement with the Republic of Korea (ROK), pledging to extend $4 billion in economic aid to the country concerned. Prior to the finalization of the agreement, both countries held rounds of negotiation on the aid package conditions, and this led to them entering into a period of growing political friction. Despite this, a political consensus was eventually hammered out in 1983 over their disagreement, and this had a far-reaching effect in stabilizing the political relationship between the countries. Substantial academic research has been carried out on this topic, but the reasons behind Japan’s commitment to rounds of political negotiation with the ROK have yet to be positively analyzed and convincingly substantiated. In light of this fact, the main aim of this article is to analyze the motivational forces that brought Japan to the negotiating table with the ROK. More specifically, it focuses on analyzing the effects of the formalization process of the US-Japan agreement that served to induce Japan to address the ROK-aid negotiation issue conscientiously. The analysis reveals clearly that the major factor that spurred Japan to revisit its ROK’s aid package conditions was Japan’s concern over its security burden-sharing scheme with the United States. It is likely that in July 1981, in his summit meeting with President Ronald Reagan, Prime Minister Suzuki Zenkō pledged to initiate official talks with the ROK in response to the ROK’s request for an extended economic aid package. In tracing the course of US-Japan political negotiations from the period between 1977 and the formalization of the ROK’s aid agreement, this analysis reveals that the United States and Japan were of one mind concerning the need for the agreement as one of the critical means of resolving a myriad of their security concerns. It is also shown, however, that the countries arrived at their shared view from different perspectives, which were politically beneficial to their own interests. On the one hand, the United States expected Japan to assume greater responsibilities in security burden sharing, in line with its global economic status. On the other hand, partly because of the political limitations of shouldering a regional security role, Japan’s primary concern was to minimize its share of security burdens as far as possible and in such a way as not to disrupt its harmonious relationship with the United States. On top of this, insofar as the United States was concerned, it seemed to be unwise to request that Japan overshare the bilateral security defense expenditure, which might be detrimental to its political stability at home and at the same time might affect the credibility of their security alliance. In sum, the article shows that the consensus on aid for the ROK was beneficial to both Japan and the United States in terms of resolving their differences in the political operation of their security alliance scheme, including burden-sharing responsibilities. This was the real reason for Japan’s commitment to revisit its economic aid package with the ROK.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511879340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara L. Ley ◽  
Paul R. Brewer

Recent studies have explored how the US public responded to the March for Science protests that took place around the world on April 22, 2017, as well as why individuals participated in these protests. Yet, little research has examined how participants used social media and other channels to learn, communicate, and form behavioral intentions regarding the movement. In addressing these questions, the present study conceptualizes the March for Science as a “networked protest.” It then analyzes data from two surveys: one distributed through social media in the month preceding the March for Science events, and one conducted at the Washington, DC event. The results suggest that social media—particularly Facebook—played key roles in how respondents learned and communicated about the protest. At the same time, respondents also learned and communicated about it through other channels, including texting, email, and face-to-face conversations. Both social media respondents and in-person respondents reported that their experiences with the March had increased their likelihood of undertaking future online and offline actions. Furthermore, communicating through Facebook and Twitter predicted a range of self-reported effects of March experiences on intentions to undertake future actions, whereas learning through social media largely failed to do so. Thus, some—but not all—social media uses may have encouraged participants to sustain both online and offline engagement. Taken together, the findings carry potential implications for how the March for Science and other networked protests can use social media and other communication forms to mobilize supporters and facilitate long-term engagement.


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