scholarly journals PERANAN LASYKAR HIZBULLAH DI PRIANGAN 1945-1948

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 381
Author(s):  
Galun Eka Gemini dan Kunto Sofianto
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Fusion Program ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan Peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan dalam kurun waktu 1945 hingga 1948. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Adapun teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: (1) mengetahui latar belakang terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; (2) mengetahui proses terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; dan (3) mengetahui peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan (1945-1948). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Lasykar Hizbullah terbentuk pada 10 Januari 1945. Lasykar Hizbullah merupakan organisasi/sayap kepemudaan yang berada di bawah naungan Masyumi Karesidenan Priangan. Lasykar Hizbullah telah memberikan peran penting dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Mereka terlibat aktif dalam pertempuran-pertempuran melawan Belanda-Sekutu, seperti Bandung Lautan Api, Agresi Militer Belanda I, menyikapi Perjanjian Renville. Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada perkembangannya terbagi menjadi dua kelompok: pertama, pro-pemerintah dan bergabung dengan TNI-Divisi Siliwangi sebagai hasil dari adanya program fusi badan-badan perjuangan dengan TNI pada 1947; kedua, kontra-pemerintah dan menjelma menjadi Tentara Islam Indonesia pada 1948, benteng terdepan Negara Islam Indonesia bentukan Kartosuwiryo. AbstractThis study illustrates the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan in the period 1945 to 1948. In order to reconstruct the problem, this study uses history method which consists of four stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques of data collection used literature and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature related to the problems studied and interviewing the witnesses of history or historical actors as the respondents.  This study aims to: (1) know the background of the Laskar Hizbullah formation in Priangan; (2) recognize the process of of Lasykar Hizbollah formation in Priangan; and (3) identify the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan during the revolution of independence (1945-1948). The results showed that Laskar Hizbullah was formed on January 10, 1945. It is an organization under the auspices of Masjumi Priangan Residency. Hezbollah army has given an important role in maintaining the independence of Indonesia. They are actively involved in the battles against the Dutch-ally, such as Bandung Sea of Fire, Dutch Military Aggression I, addressing the Renville Agreement. Hezbollah army in Priangan, in its development, is divided into two groups: first, pro-government and join TNI-Siliwangi Division as a result of the fusion program ofstruggle agencies with the military in 1947; second, a counter-government and transformed into Islamic Army of Indonesia in 1948, the fort leading of Indonesian Islamic State of Kartosuwiryo formation.

Anatomy of the Egyptian Counterrevolution

2014 ◽  
pp. 91-100
Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev
Keyword(s):  
Urban Poor ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.

scholarly journals Global privatized power

Focaal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 (73) ◽  
pp. 114-124
Author(s):  
Maria Theresia Starzmann
Keyword(s):  
Global Scale ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Critical Attention ◽  
State Organizations ◽  
The Military

The practice of archaeologists and other heritage specialists to embed with the US military in Iraq has received critical attention from anthropologists. Scholars have highlighted the dire consequences of such a partnership for cultural heritage protection by invoking the imperialist dimension of archaeological knowledge production. While critical of state power and increasingly of militarized para-state actors like the self-proclaimed Islamic State, these accounts typically eclipse other forms of collaboration with non-state organizations, such as private military and security companies (PMSCs). Focusing on the central role of private contractors in the context of heritage missions in Iraq since 2003, I demonstrate that the war economy's exploitative regime in regions marked by violent conflict is intensified by the growth of the military-industrial complex on a global scale. Drawing on data from interviews conducted with archaeologists working in the Middle East, it becomes clear how archaeology and heritage work prop up the coloniality of power by tying cultural to economic forms of control.

Review of A. B. Nikolaev, Revoliutsiia i vlast’: How Has Nikolaev Changed the Interpretation of the February Revolution?

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The West ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Units ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City ◽  
The Revolution

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.

scholarly journals The Role of New Media in Rising Public Awareness of National Security in Iraqi Kurdistan Region During The War On ISIS

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 582-608
Author(s):  
Abdulkhalq Ibrahim Mustaffa ◽  
Radwan Ali Khidhir
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
National Security ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Iraqi Kurdistan ◽  
News Websites ◽  
Different Dimensions ◽  
The Military

This study aims to explain the role and impact of news websites in Iraqi Kurdistan region in raising public awareness regarding the dimensions of national security and providing them with important information. In this study the method of content analysis is used to analyzing the news content in (Xendan) website and (K24) website during their coverage of the war on Islamic state. The most important finding in this study are: news websites concerned with different dimensions of national security and the military dimension has received more attention than other dimension.

scholarly journals Kepemimpinan Kepala Sekolah dalam Menghadapi Era Revolusi Industri 4.0 : Perspektif Manajemen Pendidikan

ISLAMIKA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Lilis Kholifatul Jannah
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Leadership Style ◽  
Private School ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Knowledge And Skills ◽  
Education Management ◽  
The Revolution

In the industrial revolution 4.0 eras, the role of education has undergone the various changes; one of them is the headmaster role and leadership which should adapt to the requirements of the revolution. This research has a purpose to find out the headmaster leadership style deal with the industrial revolution 4.0 eras in the perspective of education management. It uses qualitative method with phenomenology approach. Its data collection techniques are observation, interview, and research documentation. Within, the interviewees consist of 6 headmaster and 1 school supervisor of the private school in Surabaya. The result shows that the headmaster leadership style transforms to be democratic as the result of the changing. Also, in the industrial revolution 4.0 eras; the headmaster knowledge and skills need to be strengthened, especially in the technology and entrepreneurship skills.

Saudi Arabia: The Role of the Military in Politics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayman Al-Yassini
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Regime Legitimacy ◽  
The Military

More than any other time in Saudi Arabia’s history, Saudi nationalism and the role of the military in society are becoming a major source of regime legitimacy. Military expenditure is exceeding allocations to other ministries, and Saudi Arabia surpassed its past spending on the military to become one of the world’s main importers of arms, particularly from the United States. The process of increased militarization corresponded with the concentration of power in the hands of Crown Prince and Minister of Defense Muhammad Ibn Salman. It ushered in a period of drastic restructuring of military and security agencies to consolidate his rule. On the regional level, Saudi Arabia increasingly projects itself as the leader of the Arab world, including the Gulf region, in fighting terrorism and in direct challenge to Iran’s positioning to assume regional dominance. However, the surge in spending on equipment and training has never translated into an effective fighting force that would enable the kingdom to protect itself internally or engage in military ventures abroad. Consequently, and in the process of consolidating his power, Ibn Salman initiated a number of changes. He secured the support of the younger generation of royals but sidelined the more senior members of the royal family. He pacified the religious establishment and restructured the military leadership. He became deputy Prime Minister, Chairman of the Council for Economic and Development Affairs, Chairman of the Council of Political and Security Affairs, and Minister of Defense. Ibn Salman’s role as Minister of Defense enabled him to assert full control over the military and national security agencies. Throughout this process, Wahabbism, tribalism, economic rewards, and the steady flow of advanced armaments ensured the military’s continued allegiance to al-Saud and Ibn Salman’s vision for Saudi Arabia. Ibn Salman introduced a top-down plan (Vision 2030) intended to create employment, to diversify the economy, and to reshape the social and cultural life of the kingdom. The kingdom adopted a more aggressive foreign policy, and the military became an important instrument of this policy. In departure from long-standing practices, the kingdom deployed air and ground forces outside its borders. It joined the U.S.-led air raids against the Islamic State (ISIS), and air and ground forces have been deployed in the campaign in Yemen. It also resorted to traditional means of influencing regional politics through financing local allies and the promotion of the kingdom as the guardian of Sunni Islam. The rentier base of the Saudi economy enabled the kingdom to spend billions of dollars to purchase an impressive array of military hardware from the United States, Britain, France, and other countries, making Saudi Arabia among the top nations in the world in terms of spending for the military. However, the military’s performance on the battlefield, such as in the Yemen war, have shown that heavy spending is not translated into an effective fighting force that would protect the kingdom internally or externally. Restructuring the military organization did not produce a modern fighting force. Tribalism, lack of transparency, and discrepancy between ambition and reality continue to prevail. It remains to be seen if Ibn Salman’s national modernization process, including a push to build a domestic armament industry and to reform the military establishment as a whole, will succeed. The challenge for Saudi Arabia today is how to balance its development initiatives with maintaining the traditional bases of regime legitimacy.

Turkey's economy and security are Erdogan's key risks

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Late Summer ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Content Type ◽  
New Man ◽  
National Life ◽  
The Government ◽  
Kurdistan Workers Party ◽  
State Group ◽  
The Military

Significance There are no declared candidates and the new man will be in effect the personal appointee of President Recep Tayyib Erdogan, whose dominance over the country seems greater than ever, despite his failure to subdue Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) terrorism or stem the growth of attacks by the Islamic State group (ISG) on Turkey's southern frontier. Most striking of all, the president is taking a hard line in Turkey's dealings with the EU. Impacts The late summer will see pressures grow on the exchange rate because of low earnings from tourism. The threat from ISG will increase. Despite its desire to do so, the government is unlikely to order a major incursion into Syria. The role of the military is rising once again in national life because of the Kurdish and ISG conflicts.

scholarly journals TEUNGKU MUHAMMAD DAUD BEUREUEH DAN REVOLUSI DI ACEH (1945-1950)

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bambang Satriya ◽  
Andi Suwirta ◽  
Ayi Budi Santosa
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

This research was distributed by attractions of authors to Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh the leader with big influence when the revolution happened in Aceh. The main issues studied in this research is “How was Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh’s role in defending the independence of Indonesian Republic in Aceh 1945-1950?”. This study uses historical method which includes four steps: 1) Heuristics, 2) Criticism, 3) Interpretation, 4) Historiography. Based on the result, the political and socio-economic conditions in Aceh after the independence of Indonesian Republic was unstable. The role of Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh in Peristiwa Cumbok gave the awareness to local government to give more attention in this horizontal conflict and he instructing to mobilize the troops to attack the uleebalang clan in Pidie. He also stopped the Tentara Perjuangan Rakyat (TPR) movement who headed by Husin Al Mujahid. As the Military Governor of Aceh, Langkat, and Tanah Karo, Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh can merged the paramilitary organizations into TNI organization, he also the inisiator who collected the cost to buy an airplane for Indonesian government, and he can stopped the Sayid Ali movement. Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh rejected the merging of Aceh into the Sumatera Utara Province and this case made his disappointed to the center government and also Soekarno.

The Brazilian Army and the Problem of Mission, 1939–1964

1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank D. McCann
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War ◽  
Institutional Perspective ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Military Politics ◽  
Post War ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

On 1 April 1980, Brazil concluded sixteen years of military-dominated government. While political scientists have taken the lead in examining the origins and methods of the regime in terms of civil-military relations, the role of the military in society, and what might be called military politics, historians have lagged behind in providing analysis from an institutional perspective.1 While the Revolution of 1964 might have occurred even if Brazil had never entered World War II, the Brazilian army's involvement in that conflict and its readjustments to the post-war situation gave shape and substance to that revolution.

The Political Role of the Indonesian Military: Past, Present and Future

1987 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salim Said
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Future Change ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThis paper attempts to briefly examine the political role of the Indonesian military from its inception to its dominant position in Indonesian politics today. It also attempts to discuss whether or not it would continue to play the same role in the future. The paper will be divided into three sections: the political role of the military during the revolution, the increased political involvement of the military, conflicting interpretations of the military role and the possibility of future change.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document