scholarly journals Diaspora Diplomacy: Emerging Priority of Nepal’s Foreign Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Pratima Sharma

Many people from Nepal are currently living in foreign countries. Their living has become a prominent issue in foreign policy and international relations as it has a broader impact on the bilateral connection between Nepal and the host countries as well as in the development back home. Appropriately mobilizing diverse potential inheritance in the Nepali diaspora can be a real boon for Nepal in achieving the national goals. The government is working on that by devising various policies, but the results are not satisfactory. Rigorous homework is yet to be done at the policy-making level to maximize achievements through the effective conduction of diaspora diplomacy. Hence, shedding light on the broader perspective of the Nepali diaspora, this paper attempts to focus on their role in the social, economic and cultural development of Nepal. The new institutional and policy arrangements that policymakers should adopt in upcoming days to address diaspora needs and to maintain a balanced relation between the government and Nepali community residing outside the border are also discussed. The article is descriptive and analytical in format, and the data are collected from secondary sources.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184
Author(s):  
Caleb Danjuma Dami ◽  
◽  

The mass protest to end the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (known as the #EndSARS protest) was a decentralized social movement and series of mass protests against police brutality in Nigeria. The protest started in 2017 as a Twitter campaign using the hash tag #ENDSARS to demand the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad. This paper argues that the #EndSARS protest in Nigeria was a microcosmic manifestation of the deeply rooted dissatisfaction of Nigerians with the social, economic and political situation of the country. Data was collected using secondary sources such as internet material, journal, research reports and textbooks, and were analyzed using the expository and analytical method of inquiry, the paper demonstrates that the protest was just the avenue the Nigerian youths got to ventilate their frustration, disappointment and anger with the government. The paper asserts that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the underlying issues that fuelled the protest. Restructuring and resource control, which underline the gross inequality in Nigeria, are other current debates that gave rise to the protest. Following the analysis, the paper concludes that nepotism, tribalism, insecurity and corruption are the bane of Nigeria’s economic, political and social ill.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdullahi Maigari ◽  
Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Qadir

This paper examines the abduction of the schoolgirls in Chibok Local Government Area of Borno State, Nigeria in 2014. The paper examined how the abduction of the schoolgirls generated responses and support for the rescue of the abducted girls from people and organization from different parts of the globe. The Islamists terrorist organization operating in Borno State has attracted the attention of the world since 2009 when they started attacking government establishments and security installations northeast which later escalated to major cities in Northern Nigeria. Methodologically, the paper utilized secondary sources of data to analyze the phenomenon studied. The paper revealed that the development and innovations in information and communication technology which dismantled traditional and colonial boundaries enabled people to express support, solidarity and assist victims of conflict who resides millions of Kilometers away. This shows that Internet-based communications technology has reduced the distance of time and space that characterised traditional mass media. The campaign for the release of the schoolgirls on the social media platforms particularly Twitter and Facebook has tremendously contributed to the release of some of them. Furthermore, the girls freed from abduction have received proper attention: education and reintegration programmes which enable them to start post-abduction life. In this regard, social media has become a tool for supporting the government in moments of security challenges which the Bring Back Our Girls campaign attracted foreign and domestic assistance to Nigeria in the search of the abducted girls and the fight against the Islamist insurgents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Neelam Shahi

This Study entitled as “Livelihood Pattern of the Tibetan Refugees in Nepal” (A Case Study of the Samdupling in Jawalakhel and Khampa Refugee Camp in Boudha- Jorpati) aims to discover the livelihood patterns of Tibetan refugees residing in the Samdupling camp in Jawalakhel and Khampa Refugee’s Camp in Boudha-Jorpati. The paper intends to examine the problems confronted by Tibetan refugees residing in the Samdupling camp and Khampa Refugee’s Camp. The study itself is conducted with the objectives of describing the present socio-economic status of Tibetan refugees dwelling in aforementioned camps located inside the Kathmandu valley and Lalitpur. This write-up not only deals with different livelihood aspects of Tibetan refugees but also compares the livelihood of two camps to list out the social, economic and political problems affecting their livelihood. However, this study is mainly based on the primary information and the data which were collected using the techniques of household survey and sampling survey, along with questionnaire and interview during the several field visits to camps. The paper concludes by stating that government intervention is required to resolve the issues affecting the livelihood of Tibetan refugees. Tibetan refugees’ problems required a political yet humanitarian resolution. The government needs to decide on whether to endow the citizenship or refugee card to the refugees who have been deprived of the both, or opt for the third-party settlement. For that Tibetans refugees also need to cooperate and coordinate with the refugees department under the Ministry of the Home Affair, Government of Nepal


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Rika Inggit Asmawati

This research discusses about the social economic history of Yogyakarta during 1950s. The main problem is to analyze how the newly independent country of Indonesia dealt with unemployment after the revolutionary period. This research employs the historical method using primary and secondary sources, such as archives, newspapers, magazines, interviews, and reviews of relevant references. There are four conclusions in this research. First, although the period was called as the period of creating jobs, the unemployment number in early 1950s was increasing. Second, this unemployment problem was not primarily caused by the economic condition but also by demographic problems and the legacies from the Revolution Era. Third, people who were categorized as unemployed were not only labors, but also veterans. Fourth, for the government, solving this unemployment problem was the effort to create economic improvement for its society.


Author(s):  
О.В. Мифтахова ◽  
К.Г. Мокрова

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Tatyana Leonidovna Musatova

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export flights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fight against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia’s presidency in the BRICS; further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; Russia’s success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientific and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing significantly. ED, as an integral part of official diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, resultsoriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.


2014 ◽  
Vol 584-586 ◽  
pp. 559-563
Author(s):  
Yang Zhao ◽  
Xu Bai

Sports will bring interests for the urban development, which is the starting point of the paper, then the relationship between urban development, urban landscape environment, urban culture and the sports building is analyzed to reflect on the design demands and the transformation of functional role, moreover the diversified development trend of sports building in the social, economic and cultural development as well as their commensal and harmonious design are proposed.


Author(s):  
Martin Ejnar Hansen

The formation of Danish governments and their governance continues to be of interest both on their own and comparatively. Minority coalition governments are the norm in Denmark, increasing the importance of support parties for the government to pass its policies. Danish politics can increasingly be seen as two blocs: the ‘red’ bloc led by the Social Democrats and the ‘blue’ bloc led by the Liberals (although it was the Conservatives in the 1980s). This division may have increased the tendency of the presidentialization of Danish politics, not least with the prime minister’s increasing engagement in the day-to-day running of the government, especially with regard to foreign policy. Similarly, the minister of finance is ever more important as well for the day-to-day running of other departments. Ministerial turnover through reshuffles happens during the tenure of most governments, but portfolio redesign mostly occurs when governments are formed. The distribution of portfolios is proportional, but there is much variation in which portfolios parties prefer, with some valuing importance over number of portfolios. Overall, the Danish government and prime minister is a well-researched area, although there is still significant scope for research innovation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-110
Author(s):  
Byung Jong Lee

Because newspaper readers or television viewers cannot directly experience or witness events that are happening in foreign countries, they have to rely heavily on foreign correspondents for their perspectives on the world. But the views of foreign correspondents can never be fully objective. Their views are often shaped by the government policies of the countries their companies belong to. Also, their attitudes are affected by the editorial policies of the companies they work for. Particularly for such controversial issues as North Korea, foreign correspondents' viewpoints are highly influenced by their government and company policies. The question is how foreign correspondents react when their government foreign policy is different from their company editorial policy. To examine the impact of government and company policies on the attitudes of foreign correspondents, this paper interviewed eight foreign correspondents covering North Korea. The results show government foreign policy and company editorial policy strongly influence the foreign correspondents' attitudes toward the North.


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