scholarly journals Financing Devolution in a COVID-19 Environment: The Status of Devolution in Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Ruvarashe Chigiya Mujeni

 Background: The concept of devolution has always presented significant controversy in African unitary states. It is often viewed with inherent suspicion and skepticism based on the lack of mutual trust between the people and the government. While proponents see it as a form of empowerment, resistant groups in society view the decentralization of government powers and responsibilities as a gateway to success. Despite the devolution agenda being a major component of local governance in the Zimbabwean Constitution of 2013, it would not be practically implemented until the new dispensation that rose into power in 2018. However, the coming in of the COVID-19 pandemic has significantly marred the take-off of devolution implementation in Zimbabwe. Whilst COVID-19 cases continue to escalate on the globe, African countries continue to battle not only with the second wave of the pandemic but also with the new COVID-19 variants. Already fragile economies of these countries, the governments were forced to prioritize the national budgets in response to the pandemic; consequently, other social and developmental issues were left behind. Objective: This study discusses the contemporary status of devolution in Zimbabwe to ascertain the extent of implementation; provide supportive legislation for devolution structures through recommendations; analyze devolution disbursements from 2019 before COVID-19 to date; assess the local authorities’ initial requests versus the disbursements in 2019 and 2020. Method: The researcher carried out a desk review and followed the principles of case study design by analyzing financial statements, reports and data coming in from the Councils and relevant Government ministries. The meaning was also derived by critically reviewing, organizing and interpreting related information from books and articles published in newspapers and journals. Result: Despite Section 264(1) of the Constitution providing for devolution of power to the three tiers of the Government, there is no supporting legislature in place as yet to actualize this key element. The Government Budgetary Allocation of 5% is not meeting local authority demands. Conclusion: The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in late 2019 reduced the pace of the devolution process because the funds were channeled to fight against the virus. If properly practiced, devolution may be one of the solutions to the development of the Zimbabwean economy since the devolution program is largely founded on the principle of empowering provincial government councils and Local Authorities to spearhead economic and social development projects in their areas by leveraging on local resources. It may also solve issues of corruption in many local councils in Zimbabwe by improving accountability mechanisms, especially where sub governments are permitted to progressively compete with each other to establish innovative ways of delivering public services efficiently and inexpensively. Implications: The findings imply that the Government policies can affect the social and economic well-being of citizens, however, the COVID-19 pandemic has far outweighing impacts. Secondly, the coronavirus outbreak has proved how much the Government of Zimbabwe is ill-prepared to deal with a pandemic of this dimension. Policymakers should ensure that finances are set in the national budget for unseen events so as not to derail other Government projects. Originality: This paper is original and not sent anywhere for publication.

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2.29) ◽  
pp. 1063
Author(s):  
Fadillah Ismail ◽  
Zuhaimy Ismail ◽  
Mohd. Azhar Abd Hamid ◽  
Ismail Mohamad ◽  
Adibah Abdul Kadir ◽  
...  

During the first sitting of the fifth term of the 13th Malaysian Parliament, The Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V pledged to reign in a just and fair manner by placing the well-being of the people and prosperity of the nation above all else.  Thus it becomes the task of the Malaysian Government which includes the financial prosperity of the people.  This paper aims at identifying the level of financial prosperity of Malaysian people.  It has been identified that financial prosperity is a major problems among Malaysians, a result obtained from a survey research with 2000 samples taken from the whole country which is in accordance with the standards set by the International Statistical Institute [ISI].  The data collected were analyzed using various statistical methods and one of the method used to determine the people financial prosperity or financial well-being is by using index, namely the Malaysian People Satisfaction Index [MPSI]. We categorized the financial prosperity into four levels, namely the poor income, moderate income, good income and excellent income. The survey results show that the level of financial prosperity for Malaysian people is 49.6% with a mean of 4.88 which is categorized as moderate income. Further analysis shows that there are significant differences between the respondents' demographic factors and the financial prosperity.  This shows that the government and relevant agencies need to play a more significant role to ensure the policies that are enacted can contribute to the well-being of the people.  It would just be very difficult for Malaysia to become a developed nation by 2020 if the status of financial prosperity or financial well-being of its people is still at moderate level income. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-118
Author(s):  
Thompson Gyedu Kwarkye

Local governance in many developing countries attracts several stakeholders who maintain a lot of significance in improving well-being, service delivery, accountability, and responsibility. The plural legal system where government structures exist side by side with customary structures in many countries south of the Sahara provides an opportunity to explore relationships, partnerships, and interactions among them. With ethnographic evidence from Kpandai District in Northern Ghana, this article explores customary structures not only as cultural and religious leaders with authority embedded in tradition but also as major stakeholders in local governance. The article argues that historical factors, coupled with limited government presence at the local levels, have positioned customary structures as an accessible channel to the people in the district. Customary structures have forged informal relationships and partnerships with government structures to bring the government closer to the people and to access basic services.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Tatyana Denisova

For the first time in Russian African studies, the author examines the current state of agriculture, challenges and prospects for food security in Ghana, which belongs to the group of African countries that have made the most progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a collection of 17 global goals adopted by UN member states in 2015 with a view of achieving them by 2030. The SDGs include: ending poverty in all its forms everywhere (Goal 1); ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, and promoting sustainable agriculture (2); ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (3), etc. These goals are considered fundamental because the achievement of a number of other SDGs – for example, ensuring quality education (4), achieving gender equality (5), ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns (12), etc. – largely depends on their implementation. Ghana was commended by the world community for the significant reduction in poverty, hunger and malnutrition between 2000 and 2014, i.e. for the relatively successful implementation of the first of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) – the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. However, SDGs require more careful study and planning of implementation measures. In order to achieve the SDGs, the Government of Ghana has adopted a number of programs, plans and projects, the successful implementation of which often stumbles upon the lack of funding and lack of coordination between state bodies, private and public organizations, foreign partners – donors and creditors, etc., which are involved in the processes of socioeconomic development of Ghana. The author determines the reasons for the lack of food security in Ghana, gives an assessment of the state of the agricultural sector, the effective development of which is a prerequisite for the reduction of poverty and hunger, primarily due to the engagement of a significant share (45%) of the economically active population in this sector. The study shows that the limited growth in food production is largely due to the absence of domestic markets and necessary roads, means of transportation, irrigation and storage infrastructure, as well as insufficient investment in the agricultural sector, rather than to a shortage of fertile land or labor.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeya Sutha M

UNSTRUCTURED COVID-19, the disease caused by a novel severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), is a highly contagious disease. On January 30, 2020 the World Health Organization declared the outbreak as a Public Health Emergency of International Concern. As of July 25, 2020; 15,947,292 laboratory-confirmed and 642,814 deaths have been reported globally. India has reported 1,338,928 confirmed cases and 31,412 deaths till date. This paper presents different aspects of COVID-19, visualization of the spread of infection and presents the ARIMA model for forecasting the status of COVID-19 death cases in the next 50 days in order to take necessary precaution by the Government to save the people.


KRITIS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 160-176
Author(s):  
Brian L Djumaty ◽  
Nina Putri Hayam Dey

Since the enactment of decentralization local government have been granted the authority to organize, protect society etc. Given the authority that Central Kalimantan provincial government issued a policy (Pergub No. 15 tahun 2010 on guidelines for land clearing and yard for the people) to protect the local community in the tradition / habit of farming by burning forests to customary provisions. The aim of this study is to describe and analyze the extent to which public policy relevance since the issuance of the policy in 2010-2015 and to what extent these policies protect the local wisdom. the method used is descriptive qualitative study, using the study of literature in the process of data collection. Results and discussion of these studies show that 1) in 2015 created a policy that is no longer relevant because the whole area of Central Kalimantan is 15.3 million hectares, 12.7 hectares (78%) is controlled by plantation companies. 2) goodwill by the Government of Central Kalimantan to protect local communities need to be given appreciation. But this policy could apply / relevant if it is done before the 90s because many forests and local people still farming to meet food needs.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M.J. Chomba ◽  
S.G. Mukuria ◽  
P.W. Kariuki ◽  
S. Tumuti ◽  
B.A. Bunyasi

<p><span>Kenya has great potential for enhancing education for individuals with intellectual disabilities. The fact that it has recognized the need to care for learners with special needs is commendable. In comparison to many African countries, Kenya and Nigeria are ahead in developing programs for special education in institutions of higher learning, and in starting schools and units for special education. However, a legal mandate is still required as it would seal many loopholes that currently exist. Without it, the assessment of individual with intellectual disabilities cannot be administered correctly and professionally. In this article, the authors present a coherent account on various aspects related to learners with intellectual disabilities in Kenya. No doubt, the issues and challenges identified call for attention by not only the government of Kenya but also those interested in improving the status of learners with intellectual disabilities.</span></p>


1986 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 195-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Keynes

IN the gallery of Anglo-Saxon kings, there are two whose characters are fixed in the popular imagination by their familiar epithets: Alfred the Great and ÆEthelred the Unready. Of course both epithets are products of the posthumous development of the kings' reputations (in opposite directions), not expressions of genuinely contemporary attitudes to the kings themselves: respective personalities. In the case of Alfred, it was the king’s own resourcefulness, courage and determination that brought the West Saxons through the Viking invasions, for it was these qualities, complemented by his concern for the well–being of his subjects, that inspired and maintained the people’s loyalty towards the king and generated their support for his cause. Whereas in the case of jEthelred, it was the king’s incompetence, weakness and vacillation that brought the kingdom to ruin, for it was these failings, exacerbated by his displays of cruelty and spite, that alienated the people and made them abandon his cause. Few historians, perhaps, would subscribe to such a view expressed as bluntly as that, and more, I suspect, would consider such comparisons to be futile and probably misconceived in the first place. I would maintain, however, that something is to be gained from the exercise of comparing the two kings in fairly broad terms: by juxtaposing discussions of the status of the main narrative accounts of each king’s reign we can more easily appreciate how their utterly different reputations arose, and see, moreover, that in certain respects the apparent contrast between them might actually be deceptive; by comparing the predicament in which each king was placed we can better understand how one managed to extricate himself from trouble while the other succumbed; and overall we can more readily judge how much, or how little, can be attributed to personal qualities or failings on the part of the kings themselves.


LAW REVIEW ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sangita Laha

Women have been struggling for self-respect and autonomy. Although women constitute one half of the population, they continue to be subjugated, unequal in socioeconomic and political status.There have been several attempts to improve the position of women since India got independence in 1947. Since mid-1980 owing to questioning by women themselves about their oppressed status and plight through varied women’s movements, the issue of ‘women empowerment’ came into focus. The Government of India declared the year 2001 as year for the ‘Empowerment of Women’, but the struggle to reach this stage has been long and arduous. . It has also resulted in the entry of a large number of women in decision-making bodies in rural areas, who were otherwise homemakers. Political participation and grassroots democracy have been strengthened considerably by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment that has created new democratic institutions for local governance yet t women are facing the various problem in the functioning of panchayats. After getting the reservation in the panchayats, they are still depending on their husband or other male members of their family. So for knowing the status of women in the all level of panchayats in India, this paper is based on the secondary data and deals with the political participation and representation of the rural women in the panchayats in India. The theoretical perspective of the evolution of the panchayati raj system in India and the journey of the women in the local governance has also been explained in the study.Several factors which responsible for women’s low participation have been dealt with.In this context, the paper tries to analyse the government initiative for women’s empowerment in the Panchyats, an opportunity to come forward through reservation and highlighting the factors which overtly or covertly tend to prevent women members from performing their roles. Some necessary steps for empowering the women have been suggested.


Author(s):  
Nico Steytler

This chapter argues that democratic local government embeds the culture of democracy at grassroots: as the government closest to the people, it establishes a culture of responsiveness, transparency, and accountability more readily and effectively than by holding national leaders to account. Local democracy can also be used strategically when a country seeks to move from an authoritarian or military regime to democracy. Furthermore, it provides space for political inclusivity—an argument with particular relevance in ethnically diverse societies, where a winner-takes-all paradigm of competition at the national level typically results in the marginalization of geographically concentrated losers. Finally, local government allows for experimentation in different forms of inclusive politics, be they representative or participatory. However, although most African countries have adopted decentralization policies, the dividends are meagre. Local government is but feebly equipped to play a democracy-constituting role: operating in a constrained constitutional environment, central governments have generally not allowed local governments the opportunity to hold regular free and fair elections and thereby play a role in democratization. Despite these findings, there is also some evidence that on occasion local democracy has indeed played such a role and thus enhanced democratic participation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document