Odnajdywanie śladów przeszłości gatunków prasowych. Uwagi historyka języka

Język Polski ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-111
Author(s):  
Magdalena Pietrzak
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Historical Material ◽  
The Press

This paper deals with issues described as the life of genres. The aim was to present the early beginnings of modern genres, mainly informative ones, in the old press. Therefore it was essential to include modern per-spective in the research of historical material. The problems with isolating old forms/genres of the state-ments and naming them was emphasized in the paper. Research postulates and conclusions were presented and supported by the analyses of the press statements of the 18th and 19th centuries.

scholarly journals Contested Numbers: Census Controversies and the Press in 1960s Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
The State ◽  
Population Census ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
The Public Sphere

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.

1. Text of United States Note to the Far Eastern Commission on a Japanese Peace Treaty, Released to the Press, November 24, 1950.

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 242-243
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
General Statement ◽  
The Press ◽  
States Government ◽  
Far Eastern

There is given below a brief general statement of the type of treaty envisioned by the United States Government as proper to end the state of war with Japan. It is stressed that this statement is only suggestive and tentative, and does not commit the United States Government to the detailed content or wording of any future draft. It is expected that after there has been an opportunity to study this outline, there will be a series of informal discussions designed to elaborate on it and make clear any points which may be obscure at first glance.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

The September Program: Reflections on the Evidence

1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 348-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne C. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Diary Entry ◽  
Indirect Control ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Warfare ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
War Aims ◽  
Individual Human

In August 1914 Kurt Riezler accompanied Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg to the Supreme Headquarters in Koblenz and Luxembourg. His duties were not clearly defined and included a variety of things: He worked on war aims, parliamentary speeches, revolutionary movements, and domestic political questions. He helped interpret the chancellor's policies to the press, establish guidelines for censorship, and write anonymous articles supporting Bethmann Hollweg's policies. He could be called Bethmann Hollweg's assistant for political warfare.Unlike most Germans Riezler sensed from the beginning that a German victory was not assured. On August 14, 1914, in his first diary entry after the outbreak of war, he noted that although “everybody was apparently happy to be able for once to dedicate himself unreservedly to a great cause, … no one doubts or appears to consider even for an instant what a gamble war is, especially this war.” Riezler also realized that the “ideas of 1914” would not retain their strength forever. “Just as the storm frightens the vermin out of the air—when it becomes quieter again, everything crawls out of its refuge—and emerges again in the state as well as in individual human beings.” This realization protected Riezler from the naive belief that Germany could bear a long war without an obvious effort to achieve a negotiated peace, without a new European order which at most allowed Germany indirect control, and without domestic political concessions to the German masses.

scholarly journals New Jersey’s Zoning Amendment

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Alex Costin
Keyword(s):  
New Jersey ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
State Court ◽  
The People ◽  
Town Meeting ◽  
The Press ◽  
Growth And Change ◽  
The Town

A half century before the New Jersey Supreme Court endorsed inclusionary zoning in Southern Burlington N.A.A.C.P. v. Mount Laurel Township, the state struggled to secure basic municipal zoning. While New Jersey’s political elite embraced zoning in the 1910s and 20s to weather a period of tremendous growth and change, a disapproving judiciary steadfastly maintained that the practice violated basic property rights. Hundreds of state court decisions in the 1920s held zoning ordinances unconstitutional. Finally, the people of New Jersey in 1927 overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the state constitution overruling those decisions and affirming zoning as a reasonable exercise of the state’s police power. This essay traces those uncertain early years of zoning in New Jersey. The amendment was not the result of a state monolithically coming to its senses. Instead, its passage documents a decade-long struggle played out not only in the courts and legislature but also in the press and the town meeting.

scholarly journals System medialny współczesnego Izraela

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Kacper Kosma Kocur
Keyword(s):  
Current Situation ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Radio Stations ◽  
Media System ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
State Of Israel

The media system in Israel todayThe paper examines the media system in the state of Israel. It takes into account both the history of the media — from the press through radio and television to the internet — and the current situation. The author describes the most important Israeli media: newspapers, television and radio stations, as well as websites, taking into consideration their popularity on the market, political orientation and importance in Israel’s media world.

scholarly journals Perpetuation of Taras Shevchenko's memory in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region at the beginning of the XX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Serhii Svitlenko
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
40Th Anniversary ◽  
Illegal Activity ◽  
Historical Material ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Press

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.

An Irish Regiment in the Nutmeg State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan W. Keating
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Irish Immigrants ◽  
Irish Immigration ◽  
Disorderly Conduct ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Military ◽  
At Home

This chapter traces Irish immigration to Connecticut and the formation of the Ninth Connecticut Volunteer Infantry. Despite nativist challenges in the decade before the Civil War, Irish immigrants nevertheless secured their place in many of Connecticut’s cities, playing important roles in the state’s growing industrial centers. When war broke out, Irish leaders in the state pushed for the organization of an Irish regiment and, in doing so, drew connections between the Connecticut Irish and the military prowess of regiments such as the 69th New York and the 23rd Illinois. The outspoken patriotism of Connecticut’s Irish as well as the national acclaim earned by these other regiments did little to curb lingering questions surrounding Irish loyalty. As the men of the Ninth Connecticut marched to war in the winter of 1862 they struggled to dispel accusations of disorderly conduct that appeared in the press and only through sacrifice on the battlefield were they finally able to earn acceptance at home.

The Press and the Presidential Election of 1860

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Berry Craig
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The State ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Future ◽  
Secession Crisis

Voters had four candidates to choose from in the presidential election of 1860. The Kentucky press endorsed three of the hopefuls, the winner not among them. The Louisville papers reflected the divisions in the state. The Journal endorsed Constitutional Unionist John Bell; the Courier rallied behind Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge, a Kentuckian; the Democrat lined up with Stephen A. Douglas, the Northern Democrat; and no paper of any consequence (perhaps no paper at all) supported the Republican Lincoln. Bell carried the state, followed by Breckinridge, Douglas, and Lincoln. The war of words over the presidential race became even more heated during the secession crisis. The future of the Union was at stake in the former; Kentucky’s future hung in the balance in the latter.

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