scholarly journals Enacting Candor

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-69

Most citizens of representative democracies do not take political decisions in their everyday lives. Although participation in periodic elections, political parties, or social movements varies, above all, according to socio-economic status, taking a political decision is, in general, a relatively extraordinary event for the vast majority of citizens. The everyday political experience of these citizens is rather structured by watching and listening to political elites. Unlike the tenor of democratic theory, this quotidian mode of passively following politics is ocular democracy’s starting point. So far, the debate on ocular democracy has emphasized its shortcomings as a normative theory. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, this article illustrates the potential of ocular democracy as an analytical tool in the context of intra-party democracy. Podemos’ intra-party procedures are analyzed by complementing an institutional perspective with ocular democracy, thus showing how a party leader inclined to appear particularly venturesome undermines ambitious forms of intra-party democracy.

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angelia Wagner ◽  
Linda Trimble ◽  
Shannon Sampert

AbstractWhich leadership qualities are most likely to be emphasized in news reports about leadership competitions, and are they attributed differently to women and men candidates? To answer this question, we conducted content and discourse analyses of 2,463 articles published by theGlobe and Mailnewspaper on 10 women and 17 men seeking the leadership of Canadian political parties since 1975. Our results show that women candidates were subjected to more negative and gendered assessments of their communication skills, intellectual substance and political experience than were men candidates. We also found little evidence that gendered media discourses about political leadership have changed over time, especially in the case of women in the strongest position to become the country's first national party leader or prime minister.


Author(s):  
AbdulGafar Olawale Fahm

Women’s participation in party politics in Nigeria has been largely marginal. This has led to the clamour for more involvement of women in political decisions and increased presence in political sphere. The objective of this paper is to examine the participation of Muslim women in the Nigerian party politics. Muslim women have made significant contributions in Nigerian society through their efforts in educational, economic, health, and humanitarian services i.e. playing a social responsibility role. Descriptive and analytical methods were adopted for this purpose. The study revealed that the involvement of Muslim women in party politics in Nigeria was impeded by cultural and religious bottlenecks and not lack of participation. It concluded that emphasis should be placed on the complementarity roles between men and women in order to suppress the intolerance often encounter by Muslim women in Nigeria party politics. Hence, there is a need for the existing political parties and most especially the ruling party to take advantage of the complementary differences in order to create balance in political decision-making.


Author(s):  
Robert C. Schmidt

AbstractIn this short paper, I look back at the early stages of the Corona crisis, around early February 2020, and compare the situation with the climate crisis. Although these two problems unfold on a completely different timescale (weeks in the case of Corona, decades in the case of climate change), I find some rather striking similarities between these two problems, related with issues such as uncertainty, free-rider incentives, and disincentives of politicians to adequately address the respective issue with early, farsighted and possibly harsh policy measures. I then argue that for complex problems with certain characteristics, it may be necessary to establish novel political decision procedures that sidestep the normal, day-to-day political proceedings. These would be procedures that actively involve experts, and lower the involvement of political parties as far as possible to minimize the decision-makers’ disincentives.


Nutrients ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 1351
Author(s):  
Peggy Ober ◽  
Carolin Sobek ◽  
Nancy Stein ◽  
Ulrike Spielau ◽  
Sarah Abel ◽  
...  

Given the high prevalence of childhood overweight, school-based programs aiming at nutritional behavior may be a good starting point for community-based interventions. Therefore, we investigated associations between school-related meal patterns and weight status in 1215 schoolchildren. Anthropometry was performed on-site in schools. Children reported their meal habits, and parents provided family-related information via questionnaires. Associations between nutritional behavior and weight status were estimated using hierarchical linear and logistic regression. Analyses were adjusted for age, socio–economic status, school type, migration background, and parental weight status. Having breakfast was associated with a lower BMI-SDS (βadj = −0.51, p = 0.004) and a lower risk of being overweight (ORadj = 0.30, p = 0.009), while having two breakfasts resulting in stronger associations (BMI-SDS: βadj = −0.66, p < 0.001; risk of overweight: ORadj = 0.22, p = 0.001). Likewise, children who regularly skipped breakfast on school days showed stronger associations (BMI-SDS: β = 0.49, p < 0.001; risk of overweight: OR = 3.29, p < 0.001) than children who skipped breakfast only occasionally (BMI-SDS: β = 0.43, p < 0.001; risk of overweight: OR = 2.72, p = 0.032). The associations persisted after controlling for parental SES and weight status. Therefore, our data confirm the school setting as a suitable starting point for community-based interventions and may underline the necessity of national programs providing free breakfast and lunch to children.


Author(s):  
Marek Smoluk

In 1536 the English Parliament under pressure from Henry VIII and the Lord Chancellor, Thomas Cromwell, gave its consent for the dissolution of the lesser monasteries and abbeys in the king’s realm, and three years later with the sanction of MPs some of the greater religious houses also suffered the same fate. The principal aim of this paper is to assess the importance of this political decision with a view to examining the progress being made in the field of education in England in the middle of the sixteenth century resultant upon this dissolution. The evaluation of the merits and demerits originating from the suppression of the English monasteries is made in terms of both primary and academic education. The answers to these key questions are preceded by a short analysis of the reputation monasteries and abbeys had acquired by that time. Also on a selective basis, some opinions have been presented here to provide an overall picture of the standing of the monks and nuns and their concomitant activities, as perceived through the eyes of English society; the eminent scholars and humanists In particular. Subsequently, before assessing the consequences resulting from the dissolution of the religious houses in England, some consideration is given to the reasoning and rationale which lay behind both Henry VIII and his Lord Chancellor’s political decisions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hidayansyah ◽  
Trisakti Handayani ◽  
M Syahri

ABSTRAKPemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden merupakan acara lima tahun sekali yang dilaksanakan di Indonesia, kegiatan ini sebagai wahana menyalurkan segala aspirasi masyarakat terutama dalam mempengaruhi keputusan politik, dan Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui peran dan partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden tahun 2014 di Kota Malang, selain itu untuk mengetahui peran KPU Kota Malang dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014, dan untuk menjelaskan faktor pendukung dan penghambat partisipasi masyarakat dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014.Penelitian ini menggunakan Model penelitian deskriptif, yaitu suatu model penelitian dengan mencatat, mendeskripsikan dan menginterpratasikan peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihan umum prseiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang, dan penelitian ini menggunakan tiga teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara, dokumentasi dan observasi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, diperoleh hasil bahwa peran KPU dalam meningkatkan partisipasi politik masyarakat dalam pemilihn umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang sangat besar. Artinya ini sesuai dengan realita dan fakta yang terjadi di lapangan, bahwa tahun 2014 partisipasi masyarakat Kota Malang sangat meningkat. Hal ini didukung oleh hasil wawancara dan observasi kepada pememrintahan Kota Malang, Partai Politik dan Masyarakat Kota Malang, selain itu hal yang paling mendukung adalah hasil perthitungan suara di Kota Malang, menunjukan sebanyak 70% masyarakat Kota Malang ikut berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kota Malang.Kata Kunci : Peran KPU, Partisipasi Masyarakat.ABSTRACTGeneral election for president and vice president is an event held every five years in Indonesia. This is a program which is used for channeling the aspirations of all communities, especially in influencing political decisions. This study aims to determine the role and participation of Malang communities in the presidential and vice presidential elections 2014. Besides, this study also aims to determine the role of General Elections Commission (KPU) of Malang in general election of president and vice president in 2014, and to explain the enabling and inhibiting factors of communities’ participation in the election of president and vice president in 2014. The approach used in this study is descriptive study, which is a study model by noting, describing and interpreting the role of KPU in increasing the communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This study uses three methods in collecting the data. They are interview, documentation, and observation. Based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the General Elections Commission has a big role in increasing communities’ political participation in the elections of president and vice president 2014 in Malang. This means that it corresponds to the reality and the facts which occurred, that in 2014 the participation of Malang communities greatly increased. This is supported by the results of the interviews and observations to the government of Malang, Political Parties in Malang and also Malang communities. Besides, the most favorable case is the result of vote counting in Malang which shows as much as 70% of people in Malang participated in the elections for president and vice president 2014 in Malang.Key words: Role of the General Elections Commissions, Communities Participations


Author(s):  
MANUAL DAMILAN ◽  
LAI YEW MENG ◽  
MAUREEN DE SILVA

Artikel ini membincangkan dinamika elektoral yang mempengaruhi gelombang sentimen dan pilihan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang semasa Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah 1967 hingga 1982, iaitu semasa era pentadbiran United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) dan Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA). Ramai penulis dan pengkaji mendakwa bahawa senario politik Malaysia khususnya di Sabah sejak dahulu adalah berasaskan dinamika primordial, iaitu sentimen kuat yang tidak dapat dielakkan dan berkait dengan persamaan ciri sosial manusia seperti agama, etnik, puak, bahasa, kekeluargaan dan sebagainya (Loh, 2009; xii). Senario ini telah menyebabkan kebanyakan parti politik cenderung meletakkan calon yang memiliki banyak persamaan dari segi etnik dan agama dengan pengundi di satu-satu kawasan. Walaupun begitu, kemenangan calon bukan Kimaragang (Pilihan Raya 1967 dan 1981) dan kemenangan calon beragama Islam pada tahun 1971 dan 1982 di kawasan Tandek membuktikan bahawa dinamika primordial bukanlah satu-satunya dinamika yang mempengaruhi sentimen dan keputusan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang. Sebaliknya, terdapat juga dinamika-dinamika lain yang turut terlibat. Justeru, berpandukan kepada pendekatan kualitatif, kajian akan melihat sejauhmana dinamika primordial mempengaruhi sentimen politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang di kawasan DUN Tandek dari tahun1967 hingga 1982. Kata kunci: Dinamika elektoral, Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah, DUN Tandek, sejarah politik Sabah, masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang, Kota Marudu. This article discusses the electoral dynamics affecting the popular groundswell and political choice of the Kimaragang Dusun community in Sabah State Assembly elections from 1967 to 1982, notably during the era of the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA) administration. Many writers and researchers claim that Malaysia’s political scenario especially in Sabah has been primarily driven by primordial dynamics which refers to strong sentiments related to human social characteristics such as religion, ethnicity, language, family, and so on (Loh, 2009, p. xii) . This scenario has created a tendency among many political parties to place candidates who share common ethnic and religious attributes with the majority of voters in one area. However, the victory of non-Kimaragang candidates (1967 and 1981 State Election) as well as Muslim candidates in 1971 and 1982 in the predominantly Dusun Kimaragang area of Tandek proved that primordial sentiments were not the only electoral dynamic affecting the popular groundswell and political decisions of the Kimaragang Dusun community as there were also other dynamics involved. Hence, based on a qualitative approach, the study seeks to analyse the extent to which primordial dynamics influenced the political sentiments of the Kimaragang Dusun community in the Tandek state constituency from 1967 to 1982. Keywords: Electoral dynamics, Sabah State Assembly election, Tandek State Constituency, Sabah political history, Dusun Kimaragang community,Kota Marudu.


Author(s):  
Leigh Goodmark

The United States relies heavily on law enforcement to protect people subjected to intimate partner violence. The decision to prioritize law enforcement intervention may seem natural, but it is, in fact a political decision, with consequences along three dimensions. First, prioritizing the law enforcement response has precluded the development of other policies to address intimate partner violence. Second, channeling money into law enforcement helped to facilitate the growth of a hypermasculine, militarized environment where violence against women flourishes. Third, the decision to rely on law enforcement ignores research establishing that police officers are more likely than other groups to commit intimate partner violence. These political decisions have profound consequences for all people subjected to abuse, particularly the partners of police officers.


Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Devi Syahfitri

Women's representation is indispensable in the policy making process related to women's interests and needs. Kulon Progo Regency is the only regency in DIY Province that has increased the number of female candidates elected in the 2019 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence women's elections in Kulon Progo Regency in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses qualitative methods. Data collection is done by documentation and interview techniques. The results showed that there had been an increase in the selection of female candidates by 2.5% compared to the 2014 legislative elections. Factors supporting women's electability: family support, social skills, education and political experience, support from political parties, and solidity of the success team. Inhibiting factors for women's electability: competition with incumbents, lack of education and political experience, open proportional electoral systems, limited funds, and limited campaign time.


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