scholarly journals Religious Chauvinism: An Emerging Counterproductive Dilemma of Post 9/11 Pakistani Nationalism in Aslam's The Blind Man's Garden

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 20-30
Author(s):  
Atta-ul-Mustafa ◽  
Muhammad Asif ◽  
Ali Usman Saleem
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Control Society ◽  
The Masses

This study explores the emergence of religious chauvinism in post 9/11 Pakistan in Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden'. The rise of chauvinism and militant connotations is not only provenance of great disintegration but also a menace to a prestigious survival of the state, a setback to the moderate majority of Pakistanis that takes pride in their nationality. Some extremist voices, which, no doubt nationalist though they are, yet stigmatize the soft image of Pakistan and Islam due to a harsher stand and their infatuation with blind religiosity. Focusing on Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013), this article argues about how religious seminaries in Pakistan misinterpret religious scripts to distribute hate among the masses to create an 'other' that suits their ideology and politics. The paper argues that fundamentalization in general and institutional radicalization in particular, which through state-controlled mechanisms, are let loose to the extent that they not only control society but also challenge the writ of the state.

scholarly journals Analysis of Political Metaphors in Donald J. Trump’s State of the Union Address in 2020

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-73
Author(s):  
Tang Bingyu
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Metaphor ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cognitive Analysis ◽  
Conceptual Metaphor Theory ◽  
State Of The Union ◽  
Metaphor Theory ◽  
George Lakoff ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Relationship

On the basis of Conceptual Metaphor Theory proposed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, this paper conducts a cognitive analysis of conceptual metaphors in Donald J. Trump’s State of the Union Address in 2020, aiming to explain the metaphors in the State of the Union Address, reveal the political intentions hidden behind the metaphors, and construe the relationship between politics and metaphor. It is found that the metaphors in this State of the Union Address are: CONFLICT metaphors, BUILDING metaphor, JOURNEY metaphors, ORIENTATIONAL metaphors, and PLANT metaphors. Through the analysis, this paper concludes that conceptual metaphor has the function of persuading the masses and shaping the image of politicians. At the same time, this paper also finds that politics restricts the choice and application of metaphor.

scholarly journals Towards an Islamic Enlightenment

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-100
Author(s):  
Caroline Tee
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
Stanford University ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Holistic Analysis ◽  
Syracuse University ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Gulen Movement

M. Hakan Yavuz was one of the early contributors to the literature on theGülen movement, co-editing a major volume on the subject with John Espositoin 2003 (Hakan Yavuz and John Esposito, Turkish Islam and the SecularState: The Gülen Movement [Syracuse University Press: 2003]). In the interveningdecade the movement has grown considerably in size and influenceboth within Turkey and beyond, and has emerged as a major source of interestand apparently perennial controversy. Towards an Islamic Enlightenment istherefore a timely if ambitious book, for it sets out to provide a comprehensiveaccount of the movement. The author opens with an analysis of FethullahGülen’s theological teachings and then explores the movement’s structure andorganization, as well as its emergence and development in the context of Turkishsocial, religious, and political history. No other scholar has attempted sucha holistic analysis, for others tend to focus on just one of its many areas of influence,namely, education (Bekim Agai, Zwischen Netzwerk und Diskurs -Das Bildungsnetzwerk um Fethullah Gülen (geb. 1938): Die flexible Umsetzungmodernen islamischen Gedankengutes [EB-Verlag, 2004]), politics(Berna Turam, Between Islam and the State: The Politics of Engagement[Stanford University Press: 2007]), and economic enterprise (Joshua D. Hendrick,Gülen: The Ambiguous Politics of Market Islam in Turkey and the World[New York Press: 2013]).Yavuz lays out his thesis of “Islamic Enlightenment” in the introductionby drawing a paradigmatic distinction between the Muslim intellectual tradition’sliteralist/fundamentalists and modernist/reformists. He acknowledgesthe impact of Enlightenment ideas on the major thinkers in the latter category,but notes that those ideas have historically remained the preserve of the Muslimelite and never “penetrated the masses” (p. 6). According to Yavuz, the ...

Of Conflict and Collapse: Rethinking State Formation in Post-Gaddafi Libya

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-48
Author(s):  
Emadeddin Badi
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
The State ◽  
Central Authority ◽  
Binding Mechanism ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Local Systems ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Control Society ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Before And After

Abstract This paper explores the relationships between the Libyan state and society, and the ways in which these dynamics affected the subsequent civil wars in 2011 and onwards. Beyond the commonly-studied impact of oil and state rentierism, this paper demonstrates that the enduring centralization of the state, Gaddafi’s dystopian governance system, the socio-economic and political cultures pre-2011, and the interplay between local systems of legitimacy and central authority have played an underappreciated role in the contemporary Libyan landscape. The continuities and discontinuities of order that defined and characterized the Libyan state before and after 2011 are thus dissected. An exploration of the appositeness of Eurocentric theories of statehood to the Libyan landscape unveils the pillars of legitimacy that defined Libyan statehood pre-Gaddafi. This sheds light both on how the Gaddafi regime sought to control society by often manipulating these pillars and on the ways in which Libyan society either directly and indirectly resisted his rule or rested in complacency. This covert resistance, which turned overt, widespread, and violent in 2011, paved the way for a discursive mutation of “tribalism.” This notion morphed from one of a group behavioral binding mechanism tied to blood lineage into one underpinned by notions of solidarity that override kinship. This analysis in turn elucidates the precarity of the Libyan state and explains the subsequent turmoil in the country post-2011, characterized notably by the emergence of armed non-state actors. A key discontinuity identified is in the realm of foreign influencers that have exploited long-standing domestic grievances and weaponized Libya’s traditional pillars of legitimacy, thus tearing at its society’s social fabric.

Confucianism on Political Legitimacy

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Tongdong Bai
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The State ◽  
Basic Fact ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Basic Goods ◽  
The People ◽  
Xun Zi ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Political Decisions

This chapter discusses political legitimacy within the Confucian context. It attempts reconcile the early Confucians’ embrace of equality with their defense of hierarchy. The chapter also considers how to reconcile their idea that the legitimacy of the state lies in service to the people, with the idea that it is not the people alone who make the final political decisions. It shows that the lack of capacities of making sound political decisions by the masses cannot result from the failure of the state to secure basic goods, education, and other necessary conditions for people to make sound political decisions, and it has to be the result of a basic fact of human life. That is, in spite of all these governmental efforts that are demanded by them, and in spite of their beliefs that human beings are all potentially equal (Mencius and Xun Zi) or close to being equal (Confucius), early Confucians also took it as a fact of life that the majority of the people cannot actually obtain the capacity necessary to make sound political decisions and participate fully in politics.

State Musical Populisms

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-138
Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Music Education ◽  
Latin American ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative History ◽  
Cultural Activism ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses

This chapter shows the emergence of a regional sense of Latin America as part of the musical pedagogy of the nationalist states at the peak of the state-building efforts to organize, through a variety of instruments of cultural activism, what at the time were called “the masses.” It analyzes particularly the cases of Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina—the three largest countries of the time in population and economic development—from the 1910s through the 1950s. It proposes a comparative history of Latin American musical populisms, focusing in particular on policies of music education, broadcasting, censorship, and experiences of state-sponsored collective singing.

Lombardo Toledano’s Struggles in the World of Labor

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Spenser
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Dialectical Materialism ◽  
The State ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses

Vicente Lombardo Toledano was born into a prosperous family in 1894 in Teziutlán, Puebla, and died in Mexico City in 1968. His life is a window into the history of the 20th century: the rise and fall of the old regime; the Mexican Revolution and the transformations that the revolution made in society; the intellectual and social reconstruction of the country under new parameters that included the rise of the labor movement to political prominence as well as the intervention of the trade unions in the construction and consolidation of the state; the dispute over the course of the nation in the tumultuous 1930s; and the configuration of the political and ideological left in Mexico. Lombardo Toledano’s life and work illustrate Mexico’s connections with the world during the Second World War and the Cold War. Lombardo Toledano belonged to the intellectual elite of men and women who considered themselves progressives, Marxists, and socialists; they believed in a bright future for humanity. He viewed himself as the conscious reflection of the unconscious movement of the masses. With unbridled energy and ideological fervor, he founded unions, parties, and newspapers. During the course of his life, he adhered to various beliefs, from Christianity to Marxism, raising dialectical materialism to the level of a theory of knowledge of absolute proportions in the same fashion that he previously did with idealism. In life, he aroused feelings of love and hate; he was the object of royal welcomes and the target of several attacks; national and international espionage agencies did not let him out of their sight. He was detained in and expelled from several countries and prevented from visiting others. Those who knew him still evoke his incendiary oratorical style, which others remember as soporific. His admirers praise him as the helmsman of Mexican and Latin American workers; others scorn the means he used to achieve his goals as opportunist. Lombardo Toledano believed that the Soviet Union had achieved a future that Mexico could not aspire to imitate. Mexico was a semifeudal and semicolonial country, hindered by imperialism in its economic development and the creation of a national bourgeoisie, without which it could not pass on to the next stage in the evolution of mankind and without which the working class and peasantry were doomed to underdevelopment. In his interpretation of history, the autonomy of the subordinate classes did not enter into the picture; rather it was the intellectual elites allied with the state who had the task of instilling class consciousness in them. No matter how prominent a personality he was in his time, today few remember the maestro Vicente Lombardo Toledano, despite the many streets and schools named after him. However, the story of his life reveals the vivid and contradictory history of the 20th century, with traces that remain in contemporary Mexico.

On the Urgent Need to Re-Engage Classical Marxism

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 965-985
Author(s):  
Raju J Das
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Classical Tradition ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
The State ◽  
October Revolution ◽  
Working Population ◽  
The Masses

Humankind continues to face the two problems that have existed since the degeneration of the 1917 October Revolution that began in the mid-1920s. While it is experiencing enormous suffering caused by capitalism, there is also a crisis of anti-capitalist leadership. These two problems now cohabit with growing radicalization among sections of the working population and the youth, following the 2007 economic crisis; burgeoning threat of fascistic tendencies both within the state apparatuses and among the masses; and reformism among middle-class Marxist intellectuals (as well as among workers). In this global conjuncture, there is a need to return to the root of the Marxist agenda. This is the classical tradition, which includes the ideas of Marx and Engels and goes beyond their ideas. In this article, I offer an outline of that tradition.

The Bureaucracy and the Nazi Party

1966 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. N. Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
Individual Resistance ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Failure Life ◽  
Group Resistance

THE individual in the twentieth century finds himself dwarfed by two giant institutions which decide his political destiny: the state, with its efficient bureaucrat methodically signing papers that may mean success or failure, life or death, for everyman and his world; the other is the political party, which aspires to control the state by mobilizing the masses. Nineteenth-century bureaucracy tended to be rigid and authoritarian, yet unrelated to popular support and limited in its impact on daily life. The nineteenth- century liberal, suspicious of the state, attempted to protect the individual by further limiting the bureaucrat; the twentiethcentury liberal hopes to use the bureaucrat to limit the privately powerful, whereas the totalitarian party hopes to dominate the state and therewith to dominate everyman. When a monopolistic party controls a monolithic state, the individual seems to have no choice but to flee, to obey or to disappear into a concentration camp. Overt individual resistance appears senseless; overt group resistance extremely dangerous and almost certainly doomed to failure.

scholarly journals معاشرہ میں منبر و محراب کا کردار۔ایک تحقیقی جائزہ

rahatulquloob ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-110
Author(s):  
Dr Muhammad Ishaq Alam ◽  
Dr Aziz ur Rehman Saifee
Keyword(s):  
Code Of Conduct ◽  
The State ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Pivotal Point ◽  
Religious Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Holy Place

Masjid is a holy place of ALLAH, which is not only a central point for prayers but also a pivotal point for Muslim Collectivism. Miner and Altar (Menbar o mehrab) are the most important place in a Masjid from where people have been acquiring religious, political and social guidance for centuries. In the era of Prophet Muhammad and during Caliphate, the services of a Masjid used to be very wide-ranging and comprehensive. The sermon of reigning Caliph was delivered on this very Miner of Masjid. From here, the general public was given the awareness of new policies and State decisions. But, the scope of the services of Masjid got very narrowed down when those who were responsible for the state abandoned their role of leading from this platform. now the role of Miner & Altar is limited to providing only the religious guidance. Even then, in recent times, the state of Masjid in our society has been deter-iorated. From the Miner and Altar of a Masjid, we listen more of sectarianism rather than the Deen-e-Islam itself. The same old conventional and controversial matters are repeated again and again; and the contemporary religious issues are put aside and ignored. There is a proper code of conduct in many countries in this regard. But, we have a very different situation in our country where the Miner and Altar are very much autonomous and independent. So, the custodianship of Miner and Altar in Masjid should only be given to well-educated and reasonable people who have good eye for contemporary environment and guide their followers by discussing important social and religious issues rather than propagating their preferred sects. And more importantly, the representative of the government should also periodically take charge of this custodianship so that the masses are politically guided and they become closer to each other as well.

scholarly journals Mutaciones y tensiones de la escuela contemporánea: miradas críticas

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
María Alejandra Taborda Caro ◽  
Ínia Franco de Novaes
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Control ◽  
School System ◽  
The State ◽  
State Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
Contemporary School

A fines de la década de los años 70 del siglo XX, se percibieron los primeros síntomas de las mudanzas a las que fue sometida la escuela de la modernidad. Estas variaciones fueron usadas como pretexto para exponer un profundo cambio que la época develada, la educación de masas, explosión demográfica, entre otras. La reforma estatal más importante, omnipresente, amplia y extendida de todas las épocas es la vinculación a la escuela de las dificultades propias de la economía, el Estado y las organizaciones. En los últimos treinta años se han configurado las subjetividades más complejas presentes en la historia de la escuela, donde el más crudo de los individualismos colonizó este espacio. Las anteriores mutaciones parecieran pertenecer al género de obviedades que no es preciso explicar, pues “los cambios son porque están”. De ahí que se requiera, desde miradas históricas y pedagógicas, comprender la génesis de estos cambios que determinaron el formato de la escuela contemporánea. Desde miradas genealógicas arqueológicas para futuras revisiones, este documento dará algunas pistas sobre el giro de la escuela dentro del consenso transcultural adherido a la educación de masas y sobre la creación de un dispositivo de control social del mundo escolar a través de las disciplinas escolares.Palabras clave: escuela, cambios, historia, crítica.AbstractIn the late 70s of the twentieth century, the first signs of the changes to which the School of modernity was brought under are perceived. These variations were used as a pretext to expose an existing deep change that stood out above others: education to the masses. The most important, pervasive, widespread and extensive state reform of all ages is the link to the school of the own difficulties of the economy, the State and organizations. In the last thirty years, the most complex subjectivities present in the history of the school have been set up, the crudest model of individualism colonized this space. The previous mutations seem to belong to the genre of truism that is not necessary to explain: “The changes are because they are”. Hence, it is required from historical and pedagogical understanding the genesis of these changes that determined the format of the contemporary school. From archaeological genealogical looks for future reviews, this document will give some clues about the shift of the school in the transcultural consensus adhered to the education to the masses, and the creation of a device for social control of the school system through school subjects.Keywords: school, changes, history, criticism.

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