scholarly journals Federalism and Provincial Autonomy in Pakistan: A Case of Balochistan

2021 ◽  
Vol VI (II) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Khalid Javed Mittru ◽  
Tohid Anwar ◽  
Syed Aftab Hussain Gillani
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Federal System ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
The People ◽  
Provincial Autonomy

The present study intends to explore the various aspects of the issue of provincial autonomy in the entire federation of Pakistan in general and in Baluchistan in particular and prescribes their possible resolution. Although federal system of government remains essential for diverse societies like Pakistan, it has not been able to lessen the grievances of its various units, particularly Baluchistan, over the period of time due to poor implementation of the policies. The 18th amendment in the constitution discourages the centralization of power and demands political and economic autonomy of the smaller provinces like Baluchistan, but the authoritarian trend of our political system has never permitted it to happen. The study suggests that deprivation of the people of Baluchistan can be ended by strengthening the federation of Pakistan with the help of a few viable steps like Decentralization of power and restoration of democratic values.

PERAN ULAMA SELAKU PEWARIS NABI DALAM KONTESTASI PEMILU-PILPRES TAHUN 2019 DI INDONESIA

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Archival Data ◽  
Political Event ◽  
Online Social Media ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Issue ◽  
The Face ◽  
Religion And State

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.

Determinanty wewnętrzne polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy pod rządami Wołodymyra Zełenskiego

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political System ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Stable State ◽  
Free Market Economy ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
Research Questions

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?

Sovereignty

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Heller
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Political System ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
Pluralistic World

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.

Legitimizing Transformation without Calling it Change:Tajdīd, Iṣlāḥ, and Saudi Arabia’s Place in the Contemporary World

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Sean Foley
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Political System ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Advanced Technology ◽  
The West ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
The People ◽  
Diverse Society ◽  
Oil Revenues

For decades, many scholars have contended that Saudi Arabia is a fixed political system, where a conservative monarchy uses advanced technology, oil revenues, and religion to dominate the people. Such a system is often portrayed as inherently unstable, a seemingly never-ending series of collisions between an unchanging traditional political structure seeking to hold on to power at any cost and a dynamic modernity—a view encapsulated in a phrase expressed at virtually every public discussion of the Kingdom in the West: ‘you must admit that Saudi Arabia must change’. Ironically this phrase confirms what this article argues is a secret to the success of Saudi Arabia in the contemporary era: the ability to legitimize transformation without calling it change. No society is static, including Saudi Arabia. Throughout the Kingdom’s history, the defining social institutions have repeatedly utilized Tajdīd (Revival) and Iṣlāḥ (Reform) to respond to new technologies and the changing expectations of a diverse society. While Muslim scholars are most often entrusted to arbitrate this process, ordinary Saudis use this process to guide their actions in the various social spaces they encounter both at home and abroad. Critically, this process reflects the response of King Abdulaziz and the founders of the third Saudi state in the early twentieth century to the factors that had brought down previous Saudi states in the nineteenth century.

The Future of the American States

1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Brooke Graves
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
University Of Pennsylvania ◽  
Federal System ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
American States ◽  
The People ◽  
The Future ◽  
The University

In any consideration of the future of the states, it is desirable at the outset to recall the circumstances of their development and of their entry into the Union. When the present Constitution was framed and adopted, the states were more than a century and a half old. At that time, and for many years thereafter, it was the states to which the people gave their primary allegiance. Under the Articles of Confederation, the strength of the states was so great that the central government was unable to function; when the Constitution was framed, the people were still greatly concerned about “states' rights.” This priority of the states in the federal system continued through the nineteenth century, down to the period of the Civil War; in the closing decades of that century, state government sank into the depths in an orgy of graft and corruption and inefficiency, which resulted in a wave of state constitutional restrictions, particularly upon legislative powers.At this time, when the prestige and efficiency of the state governments were at their lowest ebb, there began to appear ringing indictments of the whole state system. Most conspicuous of these were the well known writings of Professors John W. Burgess, of Columbia University, and Simon N. Patten, of the University of Pennsylvania.

scholarly journals Federalism and Contending Issues in Contemporary Nigeria: Mapping Alternative Perspectives for a Neo-Federalist Paradigm

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (10) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Joseph Okwesili Nkwede ◽  
Kazeem Oluwaseun Dauda ◽  
Olanrewaju A. Orija
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Classical Model ◽  
Visionary Leadership ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Federal System ◽  
The People ◽  
Adequate Provision ◽  
Institutional Challenges ◽  
Ability To Drive

Evidence abound that Nigeria’s form of federal system has been grappling with serious working and institutional challenges. The paper interrogated contending issues ravaging Nigeria’s federal polity with a clarion call for timely adoption of neo-federalism paradigm. It employed qualitative research method with classical model of federalism as framework of analysis. The paper established that Nigeria’s federal republic is associated with over-concentration of governmental powers at the centre, sectional domination of powers and political leadership, inept and corrupt leadership/bad governance, socio-economic crisis, insecurity, corruption, favouritism and nepotism, problem of power sharing and poor implementation of federal character principle, which further heightened the delivery of socio-economic services and democratic dividends to the people. It concluded that for Nigeria’s federation to stand the test of time and overcome myriad problems it is currently facing, embracing the neo-federalism paradigm is inevitable. Among recommendations proffered include devolution of powers, adequate provision of sustainable security, and election of dedicated, committed and visionary leadership at all levels of government with the ability to drive the economic blueprints of this nation towards greatness, provide essential needs for the citizenry and promote good governance.

Habermas and the New Populisms

2020 ◽  
pp. 54-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrik P. Bang
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Identification ◽  
Political Conception ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Cooperation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ground System ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Relations Of Power

Habermas is widely criticized for adumbrating an essentialist, deliberative, and consensual approach to democracy that neglects the significance and importance of contingency, conflict, and emotions in the struggle for hegemony and collective identification. However, his conception of system and lifeworld raise the claim that no society could exist without providing for a minimal degree of political cooperation between professional actors in the political system and spontaneously acting laypeople in the social lifeworld. Contingency, conflict, and emotions are obviously at play in this political conception of how to ground system and lifeworld in mutual relations of power, knowledge, trust, and respect. The goal is not to reach a stable consensus or succumb to conflict and chaos but to avoid that system becomes uncoupled from lifeworld, thus undermining the reciprocal connection between political authorities and laypeople required to make and implement authoritative decisions which are ‘for', ‘of', ‘with', and ‘by' ‘the people'.

scholarly journals Ustav, populizam i kraj liberalne demokracije - "referendumanija" ugrožava temelje ustavnog poretka

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
Political Groups

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

Social Media and Freedom of Speech and Expression: Legal Challenges and Prospects

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Bhavish Gupta ◽  
Dr. Meenu Gupta
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political System ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
Mobile Technologies ◽  
Conference Paper ◽  
The People ◽  
Legal Challenges ◽  
Large Audience ◽  
Great Force

The term 'Media' is derived from medium/ which means carrier or mode. Media denotes an item specifically designed to reach a large audience or viewers. At first the term was used with the advent of newspapers, magazines, radio, television etc. However, with inventions from time to time, the term broadened to social media to include webbased and mobile technologies which used to turn communication into interactive dialogue. Social media comprises primarily internet and mobile phone based tools for sharing and discussing information. It blends technology, telecommunications, and social interaction and provides a platform to communicate through words, pictures, films, and music. The original idea behind the creation of various media means was to entertain masses. One of major duties of media today is to inform the people about the latest happening around them and the world. It is also considered as the overseer of the political system. As the power of media is so extensive and huge, it can be used to educate people with very little cost and if it plays its role honestly, it can be used as a great force in building the nation. The Conference paper will delve into the various legal issues in context to social media and freedom of speech and expression.

Who Knows Best what the People Want: Women or Men?

2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl-Oskar Lindgren ◽  
Magdalena Inkinen ◽  
Sten Widmalm
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Common Denominator ◽  
Considerable Effort ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The People ◽  
Policy Opinion ◽  
Using Data

The notion of representation lies at the heart of liberal democratic thinking, and over the years considerable effort has gone into defining and measuring the concept. The least common denominator in the voluminous literature is that in a representative political system there should be a certain amount of attitudinal congruence between masses and elites. One much-debated strategy for obtaining a better match between elite and mass policy opinion is that of increasing the representation of women in important decision-making positions in society. Using data on nearly 5,000 elite-mass dyads within 24 Indian villages, the authors find strong support for the view that a more equal representation of women increases opinion congruence between masses and elites. The results are challenging because they show that women are not only better equipped than men to politically represent women but also that they are better at representing men—and the results are shown to apply in a variety of socioeconomic contexts.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document